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FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network i
HAITI
STAPLE FOOD MARKET FUNDAMENTALS
MARCH 2018
This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International
Development. It was prepared by Chemonics International Inc. for the Famine Early
Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), contract number AID-OAA-I-12-00006. The
authors’ views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the
United States Agency for International Development or the United States government.
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network ii
About FEWS NET
Created in response to the 1984 famines in East and West Africa, the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET)
provides early warning and integrated, forward-looking analysis of the many factors that contribute to food insecurity. FEWS
NET aims to inform decision makers and contribute to their emergency response planning; support partners in conducting
early warning analysis and forecasting; and provide technical assistance to partner-led initiatives.
To learn more about the FEWS NET project, please visit http://www.fews.net
Disclaimer
This publication was prepared under the United States Agency for International Development Famine Early Warning Systems
Network (FEWS NET) Indefinite Quantity Contract, AID-OAA-I-12-00006. The authors’ views expressed in this publication do
not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States government.
Acknowledgments
FEWS NET gratefully acknowledges the network of partners in Haiti who contributed their time, analysis, and data to make
this report possible. See the list of participating organizations in Annex 1. Participants in the Markets and Trade
Workshop.
Cover photos @ FEWS NET and Flickr Creative Commons.
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Table of Contents
Executive Summary ..................................................................................................................................................................... 1
Preface ......................................................................................................................................................................................... 3
Key Concepts ............................................................................................................................................................................... 5
1. Haiti Staple Food Market Fundamentals ................................................................................................................................. 8
1.1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ 8
1.2. Domestic food supply ................................................................................................................................................. 8
1.3. Domestic food demand ............................................................................................................................................ 10
1.4. Domestic food trade ................................................................................................................................................. 10
1.5. International food trade ........................................................................................................................................... 11
2. Cross-cutting Issues ........................................................................................................................................................... 14
2.1. Agroecological context ............................................................................................................................................. 14
2.2. Macro-economic context.......................................................................................................................................... 15
2.3. Infrastructure ............................................................................................................................................................ 16
2.4. Social context............................................................................................................................................................ 17
2.5. Political and institutional context ............................................................................................................................. 18
3. Rice (local and imported) .................................................................................................................................................. 19
3.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 19
3.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 19
3.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 20
3.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 22
4. Maize (local and imported) ............................................................................................................................................... 25
4.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 25
4.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 25
4.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 26
4.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 28
5. Sorghum ............................................................................................................................................................................ 31
5.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 31
5.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 31
5.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 32
5.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 33
6. Wheat (imported grains and flour) ................................................................................................................................... 36
6.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 36
6.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 36
6.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 37
6.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 38
7. Pulses (dry beans and peas) .............................................................................................................................................. 40
7.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 40
7.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 40
7.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 41
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7.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 43
8. Bananas (plantains) ........................................................................................................................................................... 46
8.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 46
8.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 46
8.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 47
8.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 48
9. Roots and Tubers .............................................................................................................................................................. 50
9.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 50
9.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 50
9.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 51
9.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 52
10. Edible Oil ........................................................................................................................................................................... 54
10.1. Consumption ............................................................................................................................................................ 54
10.2. Production ................................................................................................................................................................ 54
10.3. Structure of the marketing system ........................................................................................................................... 54
10.4. Performance of the marketing system ..................................................................................................................... 55
11. Areas of Future Investigation ............................................................................................................................................ 57
12. Market Monitoring Plan .................................................................................................................................................... 58
Annex 1. Participants in the Markets and Trade Workshop ............................................................................................... 61
Annex 2. Conversion Factors to Cereal Equivalent ............................................................................................................. 62
Annex 3. Market Integration ............................................................................................................................................... 63
References ................................................................................................................................................................................. 66
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List of Figures
Figure 1. Map of Haiti .................................................................................................................................................................. 1
Figure 2. FEWS NET’s approach to market monitoring and analysis ........................................................................................... 3
Figure 3. FEWS NET presence and remote monitoring countries ................................................................................................ 4
Figure 4. Seasonal calendar for Haiti ........................................................................................................................................... 8
Figure 5. Location of processing facilities in Haiti ........................................................................................................................ 9
Figure 6. Share of calorie availability of main food groups, average, 2009–2013 ....................................................................... 9
Figure 7. Transport options for food products ........................................................................................................................... 11
Figure 8. Belladère (Haiti) – Elías Piña (Dominican Republic) border crossing .......................................................................... 12
Figure 9. Ouanaminthe (Haiti) – Dajabon (Dominican Republic) border crossing ..................................................................... 12
Figure 10. Elevation, Haiti .......................................................................................................................................................... 14
Figure 11. Average annual rainfall, 2000–2014, Haiti ................................................................................................................ 14
Figure 12. Land cover, Haiti ........................................................................................................................................................ 14
Figure 13. Major natural events affecting Haiti ......................................................................................................................... 15
Figure 14. Contribution of Haiti’s economic sectors to GDP, 2011/12–2015/16 ....................................................................... 16
Figure 15. Annual inflation rate in Haiti, 2011–2016 ................................................................................................................. 16
Figure 16. Road network in Haiti ............................................................................................................................................... 16
Figure 17. Population distribution by Department, Haiti, 2015 ................................................................................................. 17
Figure 18. Rice production and price map, Haiti........................................................................................................................ 19
Figure 19. Rice field in Artibonite Department .......................................................................................................................... 19
Figure 20. Production of paddy rice in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016 .................................................................................................... 20
Figure 21. Rice (milled) imports in Haiti, MT, 2011–2016 .......................................................................................................... 20
Figure 22. Marketing of rice ....................................................................................................................................................... 21
Figure 23. Rice marketing channels, Haiti .................................................................................................................................. 21
Figure 24. Retail price of local rice (Shella, HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ..................................................... 22
Figure 25. Retail price of imported rice (Bull, HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ................................................. 22
Figure 26. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince) local rice retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016 .............................. 22
Figure 27. International export rice prices and wholesale price in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 2012–2016 ...................................... 23
Figure 28. Rice (local) production and trade flow map, Haiti .................................................................................................... 24
Figure 29. Maize production and price map, Haiti ..................................................................................................................... 25
Figure 30. Production of maize in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016 ........................................................................................................... 26
Figure 31. Maize imports in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016 .................................................................................................................... 26
Figure 32. Marketing of maize ................................................................................................................................................... 27
Figure 33. Maize marketing channels, Haiti ............................................................................................................................... 27
Figure 34. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of local and imported ground maize in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–
2016 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 28
Figure 35. Retail price of local ground maize (HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ................................................. 28
Figure 36. Retail price of imported ground maize (HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ......................................... 28
Figure 37. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince) local ground maize retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016 .............. 29
Figure 38. Maize (local) production and trade flow map, Haiti ................................................................................................. 30
Figure 39. Sorghum production and price map, Haiti ................................................................................................................ 31
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Figure 40. Production of sorghum in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016 ...................................................................................................... 32
Figure 41. Marketing of sorghum: sorghum in grain and ground sorghum ............................................................................... 32
Figure 42. Sorghum marketing channels, Haiti .......................................................................................................................... 33
Figure 43. Retail prices (HTG/lb) of sorghum in selected markets, Haiti, 2012–2016 ............................................................... 33
Figure 44. Seasonal index Fonds-des-Nègres sorghum retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016 .............................................................. 34
Figure 45. Sorghum production and trade flow map, Haiti ....................................................................................................... 35
Figure 46. Formal wheat (all products) imports, 2011–2016, Haiti ........................................................................................... 36
Figure 47. Formal wheat flour imports, 2011–2016, Haiti ......................................................................................................... 36
Figure 48. Wheat marketing channel, Haiti ............................................................................................................................... 37
Figure 49. Wheat flour brands, Haiti .......................................................................................................................................... 37
Figure 50. Retail price of wheat flour (HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti............................................................. 38
Figure 51. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince) and Ouanaminthe wheat flour retail prices, Haiti, 2012–
2016 ........................................................................................................................................................................... 38
Figure 52. Bean and pea production and price maps, Haiti ....................................................................................................... 40
Figure 53. Production of pulses in Haiti, MT, 2012–2015 .......................................................................................................... 41
Figure 54. Pulses imports in Haiti, MT, 2011–2015 .................................................................................................................... 41
Figure 55. Bean and pea marketing channels, Haiti ................................................................................................................... 42
Figure 56. Marketing of pulses in Haiti ...................................................................................................................................... 42
Figure 57. Retail price of black beans (HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ............................................................ 43
Figure 58. Retail price of red beans (HTG/lb) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ............................................................... 43
Figure 59. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince) local black and red beans retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016.... 43
Figure 60. Pulses (beans and peas) production and trade flow map, Haiti ............................................................................... 45
Figure 61. Banana production map, Haïti .................................................................................................................................. 46
Figure 62. Production of bananas in Haiti, MT, 2011–2015 ....................................................................................................... 46
Figure 63. Banana marketing channels, Haiti............................................................................................................................. 47
Figure 64. Banana trade, by bunch ............................................................................................................................................ 48
Figure 65. Banana retail, by hand/unit ...................................................................................................................................... 48
Figure 66. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of bananas in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2016 ............................ 48
Figure 67. Seasonal index for plantain musquée wholesale price in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2016 ... 48
Figure 68. Banana (plantain) production and trade flow map, Haiti ......................................................................................... 49
Figure 69. Tuber production map, Haiti ..................................................................................................................................... 50
Figure 70. Production of the main tubers in Haiti, MT, 2012–2015 ........................................................................................... 50
Figure 71. Tuber imports in Haiti, MT (cereal equivalent), 2011–2016 ..................................................................................... 51
Figure 72. Tuber marketing channels, Haiti ............................................................................................................................... 52
Figure 73. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of roots and tubers in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2015 ............... 52
Figure 74. Trade of roots and tubers, by bucket ........................................................................................................................ 52
Figure 75. Retail of roots and tubers, by pile ............................................................................................................................. 52
Figure 76. Root and tuber production and trade flow map, Haiti ............................................................................................. 53
Figure 77. Formal edible oil imports, 2011–2015, Haiti ............................................................................................................. 54
Figure 78. Marketing of edible oil in Haiti .................................................................................................................................. 55
Figure 79. Retail price of edible oil “Mazola” (HTG/gal) in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti ............................................... 55
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Figure 80. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince) edible oil (Mazola) retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016 .............. 55
Figure 81. FEWS NET’s approach to market monitoring and analysis ....................................................................................... 58
Figure 82. Rice price in selected markets in Haiti and the United States, 2010 - 2017.............................................................. 64
Figure 83. Black beans price in selected markets in Haiti and the United States, 2010 - 2017 ................................................. 64
Figure 84. Black beans price in selected markets in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, 2010 - 2017 ....................................... 64
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List of Tables
Table 1. Annual per capita requirements of the main staples ..................................................................................................... 9
Table 2. Commodity balance (MT cereal equivalent), Haiti, 2011/12–2015/16 average .......................................................... 10
Table 3. General nonpreferential duty rates to staple foods, as applied in 2016 ...................................................................... 11
Table 4. Food products banned from land-based imports, Haiti ............................................................................................... 12
Table 5. Occurrence of natural disasters in the period 2000–2016 ........................................................................................... 15
Table 6. Seasonal calendar for irrigated rice (Artibonite Department) ...................................................................................... 20
Table 7. Correlation coefficient for local rice prices in selected markets ................................................................................... 23
Table 8. Seasonal calendar for maize ......................................................................................................................................... 25
Table 9. Correlation coefficient for local ground maize in selected markets ............................................................................. 29
Table 10. Seasonal calendar for sorghum .................................................................................................................................. 31
Table 11. Correlation coefficient for sorghum in selected markets ........................................................................................... 34
Table 12. Correlation coefficient for wheat flour prices in selected markets ............................................................................ 39
Table 13. Seasonal calendar for beans and peas ....................................................................................................................... 40
Table 14. Correlation coefficient for local black beans in selected markets .............................................................................. 44
Table 15. Correlation coefficient for local red beans in selected markets ................................................................................. 44
Table 16. Approximate weight of banana bunches .................................................................................................................... 47
Table 17. Seasonal calendar for tubers ...................................................................................................................................... 51
Table 18. Average yield of tubers (MT/ha) in Haiti and Dominican Republic ............................................................................. 51
Table 19. Examples of cooking oil brands consumed in Haiti .................................................................................................... 54
Table 20. Correlation coefficient for edible oil prices in selected markets ................................................................................ 56
Table 21. Existing food/agricultural market monitoring systems in Haiti .................................................................................. 59
Table 22. Aspects relevant for short- and/or long-term monitoring of key food staples markets ............................................. 59
Table 23. Participants in the markets and trade workshop........................................................................................................ 61
Table 24. Conversion factors to maize equivalent...................................................................................................................... 62
Table 25. Data used for market integration analyses ................................................................................................................. 63
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Acronyms and Abbreviations
BRANA Brasserie Nationale d’Haïti, S.A.
CARICOM Caribbean Community
CARIFORUM Body of the Caribbean Group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states
COMTRADE United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database
CNSA Coordination Nationale de la Sécurité Alimentaire
DR Dominican Republic
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization (United Nations)
FEWS NET Famine Early Warning Systems Network
GDP Gross domestic product
IDB Inter-American Development Bank
IICA Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture
ha Hectares
HT Haiti
HTG Haitian gourde
HUHSA Huileries Haïtiennes S.A.
IHSI Institut Haïtien de Statistique et d’Informatique
kg Kilograms
km Kilometers
LAC Latin America and the Caribbean
lb Pound
LMH Les Moulins d’Haïti
MARNDR Ministère de l’Agriculture, des Ressources Naturelles et du Développement Rural
mm Millimeters
MT Metric tons
NGO Nongovernmental organization
ORE Organisation pour la Réhabilitation de l’Environnement
SIMA Système d’Information sur les Marchés Agricoles
USAID United States Agency for International Development
USD United States dollar
USGS United States Geological Survey
WFP World Food Programme
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Executive Summary
• This FEWS NET Market Fundamentals report presents
findings to inform regular market monitoring and
analysis in Haiti. Among other uses, the information
presented in this report can be used to support the
design of food security programs, including but not
limited to informing USAID Bellmon analyses for food
assistance programs in Haiti.
• This study is based on desk research, fieldwork using
rapid rural appraisal techniques covering all 10
departments of the country (Figure 1), and a three-day
stakeholder consultation workshop carried out in the
capital city of Port-au-Prince during February 2017 (see
Annex 1, Table 23).
• The main staple foods in the country are rice, maize,
wheat flour, sorghum, pulses (beans and peas), tubers
(yams, cassava or yuca, and sweet potato), bananas
(particularly plantains), and edible oil. These are consumed to varying degrees across the territory, based on supply and
demand dynamics. Overall, a high level of market dependence exists, with poorer households purchasing up to 85
percent of their food needs in the markets.
• Generally, Haiti’s food supply is ensured through domestic production and imports from the global market (including
cross-border imports from neighboring Dominican Republic). Levels of self-sufficiency vary across commodities, but Haiti
is structurally deficit in rice, the most relevant staple in the country. As well, the country is fully dependent on imports
of wheat and edible oil, as these are not produced domestically.
• Crop production in Haiti is mostly rainfed, making Haitian agriculture highly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climatic
events such as erratic and insufficient rainfall, storms/hurricanes, flooding, and droughts. Constraints to agricultural
production include limited access to and use of production inputs (including financing), incidence of pests and diseases,
soil degradation, and implementation of unimproved cropping practices. Postharvest losses are large due to inadequate
handling and storage infrastructure.
• With respect to food imports, the United States and the Dominican Republic are Haiti’s main trade partners for cereals
and pulses and Malaysia for edible oil. Formal imports are concentrated in a small group of enterprises, leading to
asymmetric power relationships along the chain. Large-scale modern processing facilities are operated by some of the
major importers. Small-scale processing takes place across the country, relying mostly on outdated equipment. Informal
imports from the Dominican Republic are substantial, but remain difficult to quantify.
• The network of traders (Madame Saras, small-scale traders, and retailers) collecting products from producers and
distributing/retailing commodities across the country toward final consumers comprises a large number of actors, with
no evident barriers to entry. Physical accessibility and transport possibilities are key factors affecting food availability in
remote areas. Transactions are usually done on the spot, with producers typically price takers and consumers shifting
demand to other commodities in response to price changes. The staples’ marketing chains tend to be fragmented and
display little organization among market actors. Madame Saras are key actors in the chain, facilitating the flow of locally
produced commodities from production to consumption sites. Generally, market information is spread across actors
following private business networks.
• The main domestic consumption markets are Jérémie, Les Cayes, Gonaïves, Port-de-Paix, Cap-Haitien, and the broader
Port-au-Prince area, which includes Petion Ville, Carrefour, Delmas, Cité Soleil, and the Croix des Bouquets and Croix des
Bossales markets. For all commodities analyzed, the largest flows of locally produced staples are directed toward the
broader Port-au-Prince market area. Flows of imported products move in the opposite direction, originating mainly in
Port-au-Prince and transiting toward the rest of the country. Transport costs capture a large share of the transaction
costs along the chain.
Figure 1. Map of Haiti
Source: FEWS NET.
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• The seasonality of harvests results in some intra-annual variation in prices for locally produced staples. Prices vary across
markets, but prices in Port-au-Prince tend to be among the lowest across commodities. Prices of imported products show
less variation over time.
• Broadly speaking, prices in Haitian markets display co-movement with each other. Moderate to strong price correlations
are generally observed between markets, with a tendency of northern markets presenting stronger correlations among
each other and southern markets presenting stronger correlations with each other. Prices in Port-au-Prince correlate
with most markets at varying degrees across commodities. At the international level, Haiti is generally integrated with
the world markets, as price trends in Port-au-Prince reflect those of key international markets.
• Several initiatives in Haiti carry out market monitoring activities across the country. From the public sector, the Ministry
of Agriculture, Natural Resources, and Rural Development (Ministère de l’Agriculture, des Ressources Naturelles et du
Développement Rural, MARNDR) and the National Coordination of Food Security (Coordination Nationale de la Sécurité
Alimentaire, CNSA) monitor prices in key collection (MARNDR) and consumption (CNSA) markets. FEWS NET collects retail
prices for several commodities in major consumption markets across the country. Development-oriented agencies such
as the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations also collect
retail prices on a regular basis.
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Preface
Markets and trade information and analysis are key inputs in FEWS NET’s integrated food security analysis. FEWS NET relies
on a common understanding of a given population’s livelihoods (food and income sources and typical coping strategies used
to handle shocks) as well as an understanding of typical market conditions and outcomes. Together, these are used to identify
and quantify the magnitude of market-based anomalies and their potential impacts on food security outcomes of the poor
and very poor (Figure 2. ).
Figure 2. FEWS NET’s approach to market monitoring and analysis
Source: FEWS NET (2014).
Several types of information help inform the understanding of typical market conditions that affect the food and income
sources of the poor and very poor. These include: the geography of supply and demand for a particular commodity (for
example, maize) or category of commodities (for example, staple foods); the role of different actors in the marketing system
(from small-scale producers to industrial food processors); the seasonality of specific events or activities; aggregate import-
dependence, particularly in the case of staple foods; and key programs and policies. These factors affect the stability of food
availability and access (food prices and income levels) and therefore three of the four pillars of food security (food availability,
access, utilization, and stability). Collectively, an understanding of these key elements constitutes the FEWS NET Markets and
Trade Knowledge base.
Under FEWS NET III (FY 2012–2016), Markets and Trade Knowledge base information is compiled into “Market Fundamentals”
reports that seek to provide readers with a general understanding of market dynamics during a typical year. These
consolidated documents are elaborated for both presence and remote monitoring (RM) countries, with references to relevant
external documents and resources when they are available. Two pilots were carried out in FY 2014, one in Sudan and one in
Burkina Faso, to test the appropriateness of the approach, the usefulness of the products, and the level of effort required.
During the first year of rollout (FY 2015), the Market Fundamentals reports focused largely on staple food market structure
and behavior. Such reports can be prepared for cash crop, livestock, and labor markets following a similar approach. Of
particular interest to the FEWS NET project are markets identified as important sources of food and income for the poor and
very poor based on an understanding of the livelihoods of those populations. The Markets and Trade Knowledge team aims
to eventually have a staple food Market Fundamentals report for each FEWS NET country and region. Other reports (focusing
on cash crop, livestock, and labor markets) will be added in a modular fashion as time and resources permit.
FEWS NET monitors markets in presence as well as RM countries (Figure 3). A presence country is monitored by FEWS NET
staff working in a local country office. RM countries are typically covered by analysts in a nearby country using a lighter
analytical approach to identify anomalies and deteriorating conditions. FEWS NET also monitors staple food markets in other
countries or regions that are relevant to understanding food availability and access for the poor and very poor in FEWS NET
countries (for example, Benin, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, South Africa, and Mexico, among others).
The Market Fundamentals reports will continue to inform the project’s regular market monitoring in terms of the
commodities covered in the project’s Markets and Trade database, Price Bulletins, Price Watch, and special reports (Figure
2. ). The specific markets and commodities covered in country-specific reports will depend on a number of factors. The reports
focusing on staple food markets touch on the following:
• Cross-cutting issues that affect all markets in a given country or region: The political and macroeconomic
environment and key national-level programs and policies that influence food and income sources.
• For each commodity market
o Market structure, including the relative importance of local production versus imports in aggregate food
availability and access, including the geographic distribution of production and consumption, and key actors
in the marketing chain.
o Market behavior/conduct, including purchase or selling behavior of key actors present in the marketing
chain.
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o Market performance outcomes, including production trends, inter- and intra-annual price variability, and
regional or international competitiveness.
o Key indicators that analysts need to monitor over the course of the marketing year that could affect food
availability and access of the poor and very poor.
FEWS NET’s widely recognized production and trade flow maps are incorporated into the report for commodities produced
and consumed both locally and regionally as a means of illustrating the relative importance of certain markets and trade flow
patterns in assuring food availability and access throughout the country. However, when a commodity is grown almost
entirely as an exported cash crop or imported almost exclusively from international markets, other relevant diagrams and
illustrations are used.
Figure 3. FEWS NET presence and remote monitoring countries
Source: FEWS NET.
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Key Concepts
The following provides the definitions of several key terms used throughout the report. For more detail on these definitions
and other useful terms, consult the FEWS NET Markets and Trade Glossary.
Marketing system: This includes the entire commodity distribution system from production to consumption. A marketing
system describes the key actors and the linkages between different stages of the distribution process of a given commodity.
The marketing system also describes the spatial and functional relationships between market actors.
Marketing year: This refers to the period during which agricultural production from a given year’s harvest is sold. This period
typically extends from one harvest of a particular commodity to the next, and is very similar to the consumption year used in
FEWS NET’s livelihoods work in many cases.
Price: The cost or value of a good or service expressed in monetary terms. It is the financial cost paid when one buys a unit
of a specific product or service. Prices, in the purest sense, indicate value that has been added to a particular commodity.
This value added can be changes in the form (e.g., production or milling), place (e.g., transportation), or time (e.g., storage)
of a commodity. Price signals can carry information about cost of production, transportation, storage, perceptions and desires
as well as, in some instances, distortions
Incentive: Something that incites an action or provides a motive (e.g., potential profits, benefits or gain from performing a
particular economic activity).
Food balance sheet: This presents a comprehensive picture of the pattern of a country's food supply during a specified
reference period. A food balance sheet shows for each food item – i.e., each primary commodity and a number of processed
commodities potentially available for human consumption – the sources of supply and its utilization
Commodity balance sheet: This shows balances of food and agricultural commodities in a standardized form. The scope of
standardization is to present these data in a less detailed form for a selected number of commodities without causing any
significant loss of the basic variables monitoring the agriculture sector. The selected commodities include the equivalents of
their derived products falling in the same commodity group, but exclude the equivalents of by-products and derived
commodities, which through processing, change their nature and become part of different commodity groups.
Unimodal areas: Unimodal areas are agroecological zones with one distinct rainy season with one rainfall peak and typically
a single harvest.
Bimodal areas: Bimodal areas are agroecological zones with either a single prolonged rainy season with two rainfall peaks or
two or more distinct rainy seasons (which could each be unimodal or bimodal), resulting in two or more harvests. The amount
of rainfall can be equivalent between rainy seasons or one may be dominant (for all commodities or for a single crop),
resulting in differing yields between seasons.
Commodity Classifications
Commodity-specific classifications of surplus and deficit areas are established based on historical production figures and on
FEWS NET staff and key informants’ knowledge of the consumption patterns of particular areas of a given country. When
surplus and deficit areas are identified in aggregate, the determination is typically based on total local production, expressed
in kilocalorie terms, compared to total local needs (also expressed in kilocalorie terms). Estimated staple food needs are
typically established by local governments and updated as consumption patterns change.
Surplus-producing area: A geographic area that produces sufficient quantity of a given commodity (or set of commodities,
like cereals) to cover local demand and to supply other areas. An area can likewise be defined either as having a minor surplus,
meaning that in a normal year slightly more of a commodity is produced than required to meet local needs, or as having a
major surplus, meaning that production in a given area largely surpasses local needs.
Deficit area: A geographic area that does not produce enough of a given commodity to meet local demand.
Self-sufficient area: A geographic area that produces sufficient quantity of a commodity to cover local demand. This area
rarely produces: either (1) enough to supply other areas, or (2) too little to meet local needs.
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Market Types
Reference market: A market that provides information about supply, demand, and price conditions in other nearby markets
or key markets that influence the performance of others.
Collection market: A rural market where relatively smaller-scale traders (or trader agents) purchase directly from producers.
Assembly market: A market where relatively smaller quantities of a commodity are accumulated or aggregated, usually from
different farmers and small-scale traders.
Wholesale market: A market where traders generally sell to traders. The volumes traded in each transaction tend to be
relatively larger (for example, multiple 50-kg bags and even metric tons).
Retail market: A market where commodities are sold directly to consumers. The volumes traded during each transaction tend
to be relatively small (for example, per kg or locally used bowl or other unit of measure).
Formal versus Informal Trade Flows
Formal trade flows: Formal trade flows typically involve the exchange of large quantities of a given commodity, transported
by road, rail, or sea. These trade flows are inspected, taxed, and reported in official government statistics, and abide by the
requirements of the local legal system (including national-level laws and regional trade agreements). For example, in some
countries, an importer or exporter is required to obtain a license from the local government or regional trade body that gives
authority to engage in import or export activities. Formal trade can often also be thought of as legal trade.
Informal trade flows: Informal trade flows typically occur outside of the formal trade system (described above). These
exchanges are typically not recorded in official government import and export statistics and are not inspected and taxed
through official channels. These trade flows are typically undocumented, unlicensed, and unregistered. Informal trade flows
can vary from very small quantities carried by bicycle across small border crossing areas or via barge in large volumes
exchanged over long distances.
Trade Flow Magnitude and Frequency
Large trade flows: The volumes traded (through either formal or informal channels) are estimated to be more important than
other trade flow volumes in aggregate terms over the period of analysis. In unimodal FEWS NET countries, this represents
the relative importance of trade flows between different geographic areas over a given marketing year. In bimodal areas,
these may be season-specific. Because it is not possible to estimate actual trade flow volumes between markets in most FEWS
NET countries, these are estimated based on discussions with key informants familiar with the staple food market system of
a given country or region.
Medium trade flows: The volumes traded (through either formal or informal channels) are estimated to be somewhere in
between large and small flows in terms of the aggregate volumes traded over the period of analysis. These are estimated
through the same process as large trade flows (above).
Small trade flows: The volumes traded (through either formal or informal channels) are estimated to be less important than
other trade flow volumes in aggregate terms over the period of analysis. These are estimated through the same process as
large trade flows (above).
Occasional trade flows: These trade flows either take place during very specific times of year (for example, in the lean season
only) or when certain specific conditions present themselves. These are typically not as important (in aggregate quantity) as
other more regular types of trade flows.
Price Analysis
Coefficient of variation: One of many measures of price variability, this is computed by dividing the standard deviation of a
given price series by the mean.
Average seasonal index: This is calculated to demonstrate the extent to which prices during a given month in a given place
differ, on average, compared to prices during other months of the year.
Price differential: This refers to a spatial or temporal difference in prices (also see spatial and temporal/seasonal arbitrage).
Correlation coefficient: Measures the association between two variables. A value of 0 indicates no association and a value of
1 perfect positive association.
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Freight on board (FOB): This term is the market value of goods at the point of uniform valuation (the customs frontier of the
economy from which they are exported).
Cost insurance freight (CIF): This is the price of a good delivered at the frontier of the importing country, including any
insurance and freight charges incurred to that point, and before the payment of any import duties or taxes.
Export parity price (XPP): The monetary value of a product sold at a specific location in a foreign country, but valued from a
specific location in the exporting country.
Import parity price (IPP): The monetary value of a unit of product bought from a foreign country, valued at a geographic
location of interest in the importing country.
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1. Haiti Staple Food Market Fundamentals
1.1. Introduction
Almost 80 percent of Haitian households engage in agricultural activities as part of their livelihoods. The contribution of
agriculture to food and/or income varies across the territory, but more often than not, returns to agriculture are low and
unreliable due to environmental and climatic events that adversely affect the island year after year. Rice, maize, pulses (beans
and peas), roots and tubers, and plantains stand among the most relevant staple foods produced and consumed in the
country.
While Haiti was self-sufficient for the key staples back in the early 1980s, the opening of the economy/market in 1985 marked
the beginning of an increasing dependence on food imports. Nowadays, Haiti imports most of the rice consumed in the
country, as well as considerable amounts of other staples. Wheat products as well as edible oil are entirely sourced or locally
manufactured based on imported ingredients. On the other hand, Haiti has developed a thriving agro-export sector for cash
crop commodities.
Haiti faces important development challenges that prevent a large proportion of the population from satisfying their basic
needs. Haitians experience food prices that are approximately 30–77 percent higher than in other countries in the Latin
America and the Caribbean (LAC) region, after taking into account differences in income levels and purchasing power of the
population (Pop 2016). Unstable domestic staple food supply, coupled with market power disparities, increasing population
pressure, and limited economic opportunities that constrain households’ access to food, contribute to high levels of food
insecurity in the country.
This report covers the basic market fundamentals for rice, maize, sorghum, wheat, beans and peas, roots and tubers, bananas
and plantains, and edible oil. It also provides an overview of overall market conditions and several cross-cutting issues that
affect Haiti’s staple food markets.
1.2. Domestic food supply
The main staple food crops in Haiti are bananas (plantain), rice, maize, wheat flour, tubers, beans, peas, and sorghum. The
main tubers produced are sweet potatoes, cassava (yuca), and yams. Among cereals, rice is the most important crop, followed
by maize and sorghum. Many varieties of beans and peas are grown across the country, the most relevant of which are black
beans, red beans, and pigeon (or congo) peas. Higher-value commodities such as fruits (mangoes, papayas, pineapples,
avocados, and citrus fruits), cocoa, tobacco, coffee, and sugarcane are also produced. Cocoa, mango, mangosteen, and guava
stand among the main agricultural exports (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; MARNDR 2014; Pop 2016).
Favorable climatic conditions facilitate year-round agricultural production (Figure 4). Haiti has three production cycles: the
spring season, which extends from March to July; the summer/fall season, from July to November; and the fall/winter season,
which takes place between November and March (MARNDR 2014). However, differences in the timing of planting and
harvesting occur based on location and crop and variety (short- or long-cycle) used. Spring is considered the main season
since it contributes about half of total annual production of cereals, pulses, and tubers (CNSA 2014).
Figure 4. Seasonal calendar for Haiti
Source: Authors’ elaboration.
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Although agricultural production is spread across the
country, Artibonite, Ouest, and Centre Departments
account for more than half of the cultivated area and
production volume in most staples considered in this
document. North Department is also important for tuber
and banana production (MARNDR 2012b, 2014, 2017).
Production is predominantly rainfed and most of it takes
place at the smallholder level, with about three-quarters of
the production units smaller than 1 hectare (ha). According
to the most recent agricultural census, about 1 million
smallholders were in Haiti in 2009, of whom about 25
percent were women. Youth (up to 29 years of age)
account for approximately 11 percent of all agricultural
producers. Over 95 percent of the production units in the
country rely on family labor (MARNDR 2012b). Productivity
levels are low due to: limited use of production inputs
(quality seeds, fertilizers, pesticides); limited access to
irrigation (only available to about 13 percent of all
production units); lack of access to financial resources for
investment; incidence of pests and diseases; occurrence of
adverse climatic events (i.e., droughts, hurricanes, or
erratic rainfall pattern); land fragmentation that prevents
large-scale production; soil degradation; and the continued
use of unimproved cropping practices. As well, the late
delivery (relative to the cropping calendar) of
inputs/resources from government programs has been
reported as a factor hindering production (MARNDR
2012b; CNSA 2014; FEWS NET 2017; Pop 2016).
The Haitian government and other agencies consider 2009,
the year the agricultural census took place, as the
reference year for production estimates. Production in
2009 was not hampered by any major adverse natural or
climatic events. Government spending was also available
for supporting the agriculture sector and hence, record
harvests were achieved (CNSA 2013).
The food processing industry is characterized by the
presence of a few large-scale (industrial) facilities and a
large number of small-scale operations (Figure 5). For
instance, for large-scale processing of maize and wheat, Les
Moulins d’Haïti and Cereales d’Haïti transform imported
grains into different products (flour, meal, pasta, snacks,
other) in facilities near Port-au-Prince. Processing of
vegetable oil is largely focused on mixing and
bottling imported refined oil. Processing of sorghum into
alcoholic and nonalcoholic drinks increased over the past
years (FEWS NET and CNSA 2017; FEWS NET 2017).
Small-scale processing takes place locally, conducted by a large number of small-scale mills spread across the country. These
mills process different products, mostly using outdated and poorly maintained equipment, a situation that compromises the
quality of the end product and extraction rates (FEWS NET 2017).
Figure 5. Location of processing facilities in Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Table 1. Annual per capita requirements of the main staples
Product Requirement (kg/capita)
Rice 50
Maize 20
Wheat 14
Sorghum 5
Beans and peas 25
Tubers 88
Bananas (including plantains) 45
Note: Tubers includes sweet potato, cassava, and yam.
Source: CNSA (2014).
Figure 6. Share of calorie availability of main food groups, average,
2009–2013
Source: Authors’ calculations based on FAOSTAT data.
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1.3. Domestic food demand
Rice is the most important cereal in Haiti, with an average annual consumption of 50 kilograms (kg) per person. Maize, wheat,
and sorghum are consumed to a lower extent (Table 1). Consumption of tubers and plantains is also widespread, estimated
at 88 kg/capita and 45 kg/capita on average, respectively. At the aggregate level, cereals and tubers contribute to half of total
calorie availability (Figure 6).
The consumption estimates in Table 1 reflect country averages, but it is recognized that regional differences in consumption
occur based on preferences, seasonality, availability, price levels, and household purchasing power (FEWS NET 2017). Tubers
and plantains are often consumed in substitution of more preferred staples (mainly rice). Beans and peas are regularly served
as an accompaniment to the main staples.
Market dependence is high, even in areas with high levels of agricultural production. Generally, poorer households across the
country purchase between 45–85 percent of all of their food in the market (FEWS NET 2005). This dependency puts
households in a vulnerable position given the volatile prices of staple foods (FEWS NET 2005).
Based on estimates of total production and of domestic requirements, Haiti is considered self-sufficient in maize, sorghum,
tubers, and plantains (Table 2). The country is structurally deficit in its most relevant staple, rice, and in pulses. Self-sufficiency
for rice and beans/peas was 14 percent and 51 percent, respectively, over the 2011–2016 period. Imports, both formal and
informal, are key for fulfilling domestic food demand, particularly for items with no domestic supply such as wheat and edible
oil.
Table 2. Commodity balance (MT cereal equivalent), Haiti, 2011/12–2015/16 average
Element Rice Maize Sorghum Wheat
Beans and
peas Tubers Banana Edible oil
Production 79,512 230,776 89,056 - 156,666 289,423 112,387 -
Imports 431,425 57,147 - 315,064 23,575 5,070 20,730 124,850
Total supply 510,937 287,923 89,056 315,064 180,241 294,493 133,117 124,850
Domestic
requirements 561,550 261,350 89,209 150,752 304,602 297,329 132,646 108,628
Domestic
balance (50,613) 26,573 (153) 164,312 (124,361) (2,836) 471 16,222
Note: The conversion factors used for calculating cereal equivalents are presented in Annex 2, Table 24.
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA and WFP (2011), CNSA (2013, 2014), COMTRADE (2017), and FAO (2016) data.
1.4. Domestic food trade
For locally produced staples, farmers usually sell their output at the farm gate to local traders and Madame Saras, or in rural
collection markets to other traders, Madame Saras, and final consumers. The products then move along the chain toward
regional markets and urban markets. The main domestic consumption markets are Jérémie, Les Cayes, Gonaïves, Port-de-
Paix, Cap-Haitien, and the broader Port-au-Prince area, which includes Petion Ville, Carrefour, Delmas, Cité Soleil, and the
Croix des Bouquets and Croix des Bossales markets. For all commodities analyzed, the largest flows of locally produced staples
are directed toward the broader Port-au-Prince market area. Other medium and minor flows supply the rest of the markets
in the country (FEWS NET 2017). Commodity flows are heavily dependent on road availability and accessibility, rather than
on distance between source and destination markets.
Madame Saras are a key actor in the marketing chain of many locally produced food staples. They are women traders who
perform collection, aggregation, and distribution activities, facilitating the flow of commodities from producing areas (rural
Madame Saras) to consumer markets (urban Madame Saras). Generally, they handle small loads and resort to public or rented
transportation to mobilize (several times a week) their products.
Transport/distribution capture a large share of the transaction costs along the chain. At the local level, products are
transported to local markets by foot, motorbike, “Tap-Tap” (buses or large vehicles used for public transportation) and animal
(horses, donkeys). From there, transport takes place by trucks of varying sizes (CJ Consultants 2012; FEWS NET and CNSA
2017; FEWS NET 2017) (Figure 7). Physical accessibility is a major factor affecting food trade and food availability in remote
areas.
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Figure 7. Transport options for food products
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
1.5. International food trade
Imports are sourced from several countries, but the United States and the Dominican Republic are by far Haiti’s largest trading
partners. The United States dominates formal imports of rice, beans, maize meal and flour, and wheat grain. The Dominican
Republic is the main partner for wheat flour and plantains, and Malaysia for vegetable oil. Informal imports of rice, wheat
flour, ground maize and maize meal, beans, biscuits, plantains, and condiments and seasonings from the Dominican Republic
are reported to be of considerable size (CFI 2016; FEWS NET and CNSA 2017). Fieldwork as well as some literature suggest
that the major food importing and food processing enterprises (Cristo SA/Deka Group/Bongu, Huileries Haïtiennes/HUHSA,
Stanco, Carribex, and Arlequin) display a nonaggressive, no-compete behavior toward each other. That is, these companies
offer products having no or little overlap with those of the other larger enterprises, supporting the development of
monopolies (Schwartz 2015; FEWS NET 2017).
According to customs information, 75.0 percent of all imports (by value) enter by land, 24.5 percent by sea, and only 0.2
percent by air. Imports occurring by land enter Haiti through the main cross-border points of Malpasse (Haiti/HT) – Jimani
(Dominican Republic/DR), Ouanaminthe (HT) – Dajabon (DR), Belladère (HT) – Elías Piña (DR), and Anse à Pitre (HT) –
Pedernales (DR). Among these, 60 percent of all trade (by value) is registered in Malpasse–Jimani, due to its proximity to Port-
au-Prince. It is followed by Ouanaminthe–Dajabon with 28 percent, which serves the broader Cap-Haitien area. The ports in
Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haitien are the main ports of entry by sea (CFI 2016; FEWS NET 2017).
Imports to Haiti are subject to duty fees. Agricultural machinery and production inputs, including seeds and fertilizers, benefit
from having no import tariffs, facilitating their importation into the country. Tariffs to staple foods vary (Table 3).
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are exempt from customs duties for the import of food products.
Table 3. General nonpreferential duty rates to staple foods, as applied in 2016
Commodity Applied tariff (%) Notes
Rice 4.4 2.5% for paddy rice, 5.0% for husked, brown, or milled rice
Maize grain 10.0 0.0% for seeds, 20.0% for other uses
Maize flour 20.0
Sorghum 7.5 0.0% for seeds, 15.0% for other uses
Wheat grain 0
Wheat flour 25.0
Leguminous, dry 7.9
5.0% for most peas, except pigeon peas, which are at 15.0%
5.0–22.5% for beans, tariff variable
Leguminous, fresh 40.0 Applicable to both peas and beans
Sunflower oil 15.0 Also applicable to coconut and palm kernel oil
Other vegetable oils 7.5 Applicable to soybean, groundnut, olive, and palm oils
Note: These rates reflect Most Favored Nation rates.
Source: WTO (2016).
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Imported commodities flow in the opposite direction as local commodities. Imports from the international market enter
mostly in Port-au-Prince and move toward the rest of the country (Latino and Musumeci 2016; FEWS NET 2017). Imports
from the Dominican Republic enter at the different border points and move to the different markets in Haiti following
established trade routes (FEWS NET 2017).
The seasonality of harvests results in some intra-annual variation in prices for most locally produced staples. The price of
imported products shows less variation over time. Given Haiti’s high reliance on international markets for some of its key
staples, Haiti is generally integrated with the world markets.
Cross-border trade with the Dominican Republic is a major source of food and nonfood products, such as clothing, household
items (plastic, boxes), detergent, and fertilizer. The total size of Haitian imports from the Dominican Republic is estimated at
USD 1.423 billion. Unregistered imports are estimated at USD 375 million, or 26 percent of total imports (CFI 2016). Citizens
from both countries residing in border areas regularly cross to the other side to sell and buy different types of goods.
Generally, border crossing by individuals is fairly unrestricted during market days. Figure 8 and Figure 9 show the border
crossing points at Belladère and Ouanaminthe, respectively.
In October 2015 the Haitian government declared an
import ban for 23 products from the Dominican Republic
(Table 4). The ban only applies to imports made by land.
Imports by air or sea that pass through customs are not
affected. This measure was taken to reduce informal
imports (with consequent revenue losses at customs)
from the Dominican Republic, and to protect the
population from poor-quality products, which had
proliferated and posed an increasing health threat to the
population. For instance, wheat flour was found to have
dangerous levels of potassium bromate, which has been
linked to cancer and hence banned in many countries (CFI
2016).
Haiti participates in a number of initiatives that are
relevant for the food marketing system. For instance, the
Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Single Market and
Economy (CSME) aims to create a single economic space
among its 12-member states for the production and trade
of goods and services and to support regional growth and
development. The Caribbean Community Agricultural
Policy (2011), the CARICOM Agribusiness Development
Strategy (2012), the CARICOM Regional Food and
Nutrition Security and Plan (2010), the CARIFORUM–
European Community Agreement (2008), and the
Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) with the United States are
further examples of such initiatives. Among their
objectives, these initiatives aim to support trade and
marketing of the food sector by following a value chain
approach and by pointing to key investments needed for
increasing competitiveness and sustainability in the
sector (FAO 2015a).
Generally, the marketing system for locally produced
staples is competitive, with no evident barriers to entry.
A large number of actors participate at all stages from
production to retailing. Price is usually determined by
negotiation. The different actors rely on their networks
for accessing market information. Imports are
concentrated in a few actors, a situation that has led to
higher consumer prices (Pop 2016). However, as the
Figure 8. Belladère (Haiti) – Elías Piña (Dominican Republic)
border crossing
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Figure 9. Ouanaminthe (Haiti) – Dajabon (Dominican Republic)
border crossing
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Table 4. Food products banned from land-based imports, Haiti
Cereals or cereal-based
products
Other products
Wheat flour
Pasta
Maize (ground, meal)
Biscuits
Cooking oil
Drinking water
Butter
Margarine
Powdered juice
Snack (“chee co”)
Source: CFI (2016).
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products move to the wholesale and retail level, they join the marketing structures for local products, which are competitive.
Traders and retailers usually handle both local and imported commodities (FEWS NET 2017).
Several constraints limit the performance of the staple marketing system in Haiti, namely: disregard for standardization and
product grading based on quality; poor and limited infrastructure availability (storage, processing facilities); high transaction
and transport costs complicated by poor road infrastructure; a high level of postharvest losses; limited access to financial
services; fragmentation of the marketing chain; lack of organization among market actors; and asymmetric market
information and market power. Imports are affected by the exchange rate (particularly against the US dollar and the
Dominican peso), cross-border dynamics with the Dominican Republic, and protective measures such as tariffs and ban of
imports by land of certain food items. In addition, low purchasing power makes demand for staples very responsive to price
changes.
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2. Cross-cutting Issues
Markets and trade in Haiti are strongly influenced by a number
of factors, including geography, climate, and the
macroeconomic and political environment. Certain issues
raised in this section have varying impacts, depending on the
commodity in question, and are examined in greater detail in
later commodity-specific sections of the report.
2.1. Agroecological context
Climate and geography
Haiti is characterized by a mountainous terrain. Approximately
60 percent of the territory has slopes over 20 percent and only
about 30 percent has slopes under 10 percent (Figure 10)
(MARNDR 2013b). Annual rainfall is distributed in two rainy
seasons. The first one extends from April to June and the
second one from August to November (FEWS NET et al. 2015).
Generally, rainfall ranges between 800 mm and 3,200 mm
across the country (MARNDR 2012a). This seasonal pattern
and moderate temperatures make agricultural production
possible throughout the year. Nord, Ouest, Artibonite, and
Sud-Est Departments have comparatively lower levels of
rainfall than the rest of the departments (Figure 11).
Agricultural potential and challenges
Environmental degradation is a major problem in Haiti and has
far-reaching impacts. Forest cover, once estimated at about 60
percent of the territory, has reduced to less than 1 percent.
Deforestation and inappropriate cultivation practices have
contributed to soil erosion, degradation, and desertification.
This situation sets the ground for higher risk of drought,
flooding, and landslides, and larger losses caused by climatic
events such as storms and hurricanes (Johnson Williams 2011).
Over 85 percent of soils are severely degraded or facing
degradation at a fast rate, threatening the livelihoods of the
population all across the country (MARNDR 2013a).
While agricultural production takes place in all Departments
(Figure 12), less than 20 percent of the area under cultivation
is deemed appropriate for agriculture (MARNDR 2013b). The
inherent properties of soils (chemical composition, physical
properties), coupled with a rugged topography and soil
degradation, make the prospects of agricultural production
questionable under a system of low use of inputs and
unimproved crop management practices. A variety of projects
carried out by national and international development actors,
local authorities, and other partners (including the private
sector) have worked toward increasing agricultural
productivity and sustainability of staple and cash crops in
several areas of the country, with mixed results (FAO 2015b;
Molnar et al. 2015; PAPYRUS 2016).
Figure 10. Elevation, Haiti
Source: NASA (2014).
Figure 11. Average annual rainfall, 2000–2014, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from USGS/EROS (2016).
Figure 12. Land cover, Haiti
Source: USGS (n.d.).
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Vulnerability to natural hazards
Haiti is highly vulnerable to natural hazards and is in fact,
among the countries most vulnerable to disasters in the
world (Government of Haiti 2014). Repeated events of
hurricanes, storms, floods, droughts, and earthquakes
have affected the country over time, causing considerable
disruptions in Haiti’s development (Figure 13).
According to the International Disaster Database, between
2000 and 2016 Haiti experienced 74 natural disasters,
resulting in the loss of 237,176 lives and affecting a total of
12,688,458 persons over this period (Table 5). Among
these events, the 2010 earthquake accounted for 93
percent of fatalities and 29 percent of the total affected
persons (Guha-Sapir, Below, and Hoyois 2016). According
to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Hurricane Mathew (2016)
affected 2.1 million persons, with 1.4 million in need of
humanitarian assistance (OCHA 2017). Measured in terms
of events per square kilometer (km), Haiti surpasses all other LAC countries (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015). Floods and storms
account for the broad majority of disasters experienced.
Table 5. Occurrence of natural disasters in the period 2000–2016
Type of disaster Number of events Total number of fatalities Total number of affected persons
Drought 3 0 4,635,000
Earthquake 1 222,570 3,700,000
Epidemic 7 7,168 585,453
Flood 37 3,106 647,721
Storm 26 4,332 3,120,284
Total 74 237,176 12,688,458
Note: Epidemic events refer to outbreaks of bacterial and viral diseases; floods include coastal, flash, riverine, or other floods; and storms include
convective, extra-tropical, tropical cyclone, and other storms.
Source: Guha-Sapir, Below, and Hoyois (2016).
In response to these and many other events registered in years prior to 2000, Haiti has received significant humanitarian
assistance. With the occurrence of the 2010 earthquake, Haiti received unprecedentedly large aid flows.
2.2. Macro-economic context
Agriculture contributes to 21 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in Haiti, accounting for 99 percent of the contribution
by the primary sector (Figure 14). Economic growth slowed down in past years, with GDP’s annual growth rate decreasing
from 5.5 percent in 2010/11 to 1.4 percent in 2015/16. Growth has been mainly driven by the secondary and tertiary sectors,
more specifically on the industry, construction, and commerce and services branches of economic activity (Institute Haïtien
de Statistique et d’Informatique (IHSI) 2015). Political instability, reduced investment, and underperformance of the
agriculture sector due to adverse climatic factors in several consecutive years contributed to the reduction in economic
growth.
Haiti imports more than it exports, resulting in a negative trade balance. While exports represent about 21 percent of GDP,
imports represent 51 percent (World Bank 2016). Exports are largely undiversified, with apparel dominating trade (knit shirts,
sweaters, suits, undergarments, etc.) at about 90 percent of total exports. Rice is the item with the largest import share (7.7
percent in 2015), followed by products relevant to the apparel sector (shirts, fabrics, etc.) (MIT Media Lab Macro Connections
n.d.).
Figure 13. Major natural events affecting Haiti
Source: Reproduced from Government of Haiti (2014).
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Unemployment is high, estimated at 40 percent (USAID Haiti
2017). For those employed, agriculture and the urban
informal sector are the main sectors of employment,
capturing 40 percent and 47 percent, respectively, of the
labor market. Informal micro, small, and medium enterprises
create the broad majority (80 percent) of new jobs in Haiti.
The private formal sector employs only 7.5 percent of the
labor force. Shortage of skilled labor and widespread
informality hinder the population’s access to better
employment opportunities. Wages are low. About 70 percent
of workers earn less than the minimum wage, which by mid-
2017 reached 300 Haitian gourde (HTG) per day, forcing
many of the poor to have two or more income-generating
activities (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
In the 2011–2016 period, the average annual inflation rate
was 8.8 percent (Figure 15). Food and drinks alone account
for 50.30 percent of the consumer price index (CPI).
Transport is the next major expense category, accounting for
13.74 percent of the CPI (Banque de la République d’Haïti
2017). These two expense categories have a strong influence
on the inflation rates observed. According to the Haitian
Statistical Office (IHSI), the increases in inflation registered in
past years were, among others, due to the depreciation of
the HTG versus the USD and the lower availability of local
produce in the markets (IHSI 2015). To stabilize inflation and
the external value of the HTG, the Central Bank of Haiti
implemented different monetary policies, such as building
and maintaining international reserves and improving
domestic revenue mobilization (though the fiscal deficit
remains a major problem). Further, debt relief diminished
Haiti’s external debt (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
2.3. Infrastructure
Haiti’s road infrastructure is poorly maintained and
underdeveloped. The network’s extension is estimated at
about 3,400 km, but updated information is lacking. Primary
roads cover about 700 km, connecting the major cities in the
country and converging in Port-au-Prince. Secondary and
tertiary roads cover approximately 1,500 km and 1,200 km,
respectively (Figure 16). Less than 20 percent of the roads are
paved (Logistics Cluster Unit Haiti 2012). Poor road conditions
can make
transit difficult in some areas, particularly at night, due to the
absence of lighting, traffic signs, guard rails, and road
markings (Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) 2016).
Haiti lacks a broad and well-developed irrigation
infrastructure. The availability of generally sufficient rainfall
over the year supports the reliance on a rainfed production
system (MARNDR 2015). However, prolonged drought
periods caused by a diversity of factors, including the El Niño phenomenon, have severely undermined production over time
and reinforced the importance of developing and improving irrigation infrastructure. In 2013 the MARNDR announced a plan
to expand access to irrigation to 43,500 ha by rehabilitating and/or expanding the current network (MARNDR 2013a). After
initial progress achieved in some Departments, the new administration reaffirmed the government’s commitment to support
Figure 14. Contribution of Haiti’s economic sectors to
GDP, 2011/12–2015/16
Source: Authors’ calculations based on Banque de la République d’Haïti
(2017).
Figure 15. Annual inflation rate in Haiti, 2011–2016
Source: Banque de la République d’Haïti (2017).
Figure 16. Road network in Haiti
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on OpenStreetMap (2017).
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infrastructure development and rehabilitation through work on irrigation channels and rural roads, particularly in Artibonite,
Sud, Grand’Anse, and Nippes Departments, where works have been taking place.
Storage facilities in Haiti are scarce. After the 2010 earthquake, the humanitarian community relied heavily on mobile storage
units since the available infrastructure was either occupied or damaged. The area around Port-au-Prince (including the port
and the international airport) and areas where industry has established remain the main areas offering warehouse space,
which is often in poor conditions (Logistics Cluster Unit Haiti 2012).
2.4. Social context
Population
By 2015, approximately 10,911,819 persons lived in Haiti, of whom about 52 percent were in urban settings. The population
is generally young: 42 percent are younger than 18 years of age (IHSI 2015). Ouest Department (where Port-au-Prince is
located) hosts 37 percent of the total population, followed by Artibonite and Nord Departments (16 percent and 10 percent
of the population, respectively). The rest of the departments host between 3–7 percent of the total population (Figure 17).
Haiti is urbanizing as people increasingly move from rural areas to urban centers. Settlements in urban spaces often take
place in less accessible and least-serviced locations, which are often prone to disasters. Floods, hurricanes, and earthquakes
can have particularly devastating consequences for those populations living in informal and precarious dwellings (Singh and
Barton-Dock 2015).
Poverty and human development
Extreme poverty declined over the past years, reaching 24 percent in 2012. However, most of this progress was achieved in
urban areas, most notably in Port-au-Prince. About 80 percent of the 2.5 million Haitians living in extreme poverty reside in
rural areas. Nord-Est and Nord-Ouest Departments register the highest incidence of poverty. With recurrent needs and
limited income, about 48 percent of Haitians aged 15 years or more borrow money. The main source of finance is family and
friends, followed by private informal lenders (World Bank 2014).
General living conditions are challenging: about 11 percent of households have access to tap water in the house; 36 percent
have access to energy (electricity, solar, or generators); and 31 percent have access to improved sanitation facilities (Singh
and Barton-Dock 2015). Further complicating this situation, about 40 percent of the population does not have access to
essential health services. Preventable conditions such as respiratory infections, diarrheal diseases, tuberculosis, preterm birth
complications, and birth-related complications are among the top 10 causes of death in Haiti (WHO 2015).
Illiteracy and low educational attainment represent major barriers to development. Persons aged 25 years or older have, on
average, less than five years of schooling. In fact, half of the adult population is illiterate. Among the major factors
compromising progress in education are the shortage of qualified teachers and the high costs of education relative to
earnings, as over 85 percent of Haitian schools are privately managed (UNDP 2015; USAID Haiti 2016). Estimates from 2014
indicate that 26.5 percent of persons aged 15 or more borrow money to cover education or school fees (World Bank 2014).
For many Haitians, emigration is the personal and
household/family strategy for sustaining and/or improving
their living standards. By 2012, 69 percent of Haitian
households received domestic or international transfers.
With approximately 1 million Haitians living outside Haiti,
international transfers (mainly from the United States, the
Dominican Republic, Canada, and France) represent more
than 20 percent of Haiti’s GDP. Money received through
remittances from the Dominican Republic tend to benefit
households in rural areas to a larger extent than remittances
received from the United States. However, overall, poor
households have less access to remittances than better-off
households. Residents in Sud-Est and Sud Department tend
to benefit more from domestic transfers, while those in Nord,
Nord-Est, and Nippes Departments benefit more from
international remittances (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
Figure 17. Population distribution by Department, Haiti,
2015
Source: Authors’ calculations based on IHSI (2015).
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In addition to the challenges posed by poverty, income inequality is large, as assessed by the level of the Gini coefficient for
inequality (0.6). According to this measure, Haiti has the highest income inequality in the LAC region. While inequality has
reduced in urban areas, it has increased in rural areas. Weather-related shocks affecting rural-agricultural incomes, as well
as labor opportunities, have affected certain areas disproportionately (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
Gender inequalities still prevail in Haiti. Women receive less education than men, face greater health (including reproductive
health) challenges, are more likely than men to face domestic violence, and have less opportunities in the labor force and in
the public sphere. Women are 20 percent more likely than men to be unemployed, and those who do work earn 32 percent
less than men (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
Recent political tensions with the Dominican Republic (2015–2016) resulted in deportation and return of migrant workers
and Dominicans of Haitian descent from the Dominican Republic to Haiti. By January 2017, close to 170,000 returnees were
identified. About 47,000 persons still live in 31 camps (OCHA 2017). This number adds to the number of internally displaced
persons from the 2010 earthquake and Hurricane Mathew in 2016 in need of humanitarian assistance.
Civil unrest, insecurity, and violence
Generally, Haitians have limited trust in the government and in democratic processes. With decades of facing a lack of
opportunities, poverty, inequality, and poor governance, the population often resorts to protests and violent expressions of
discontent. Lawlessness and violence contribute to an atmosphere of insecurity and instability (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015).
Crime statistics are considered to be underreported. Assaults and armed robberies to persons, vehicles (standing or in transit),
and residences are frequent. These are predominantly executed by small organized groups that tend to operate in specific
areas. Urban areas tend to be more affected than rural areas. The limited response capacity by the Haitian National Police
facilitates criminal activity (Overseas Security Advisory Council (OSAC) 2016).
2.5. Political and institutional context
During the past three decades Haiti experienced 18 changes of president and 20 major cabinet changes, all of which resulted
in major regime changes. Political instability was accompanied by underperformance of government institutions, and poor
governance and accountability. In addition, the fiscal deficit has resulted in low spending in key areas of development (such
as education and health). Some degree of political stability was achieved in the past five years (Singh and Barton-Dock 2015),
but the scenario under the new administration starting in 2017 remains uncertain.
The Strategic Plan for the Development of Haiti (PSDH) Toward 2030 laid out by the government in 2012 is a continuation of
previous efforts, such as the National Strategy for Growth and Poverty Reduction 2007–2010 and others, that set the priorities
and pathway for development in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake. The PSDH focuses on four main areas of development
and/or reconstruction (territorial, economic, social, and institutional) and strives for creating regional development poles.
Programs related to economic development focus on modernization of and support to different economic activities such as
agriculture, fisheries, manufacture, tourism, etc. At the institutional level, the PSDH aims to strengthen and modernize public
institutions, and to improve security and rule of law (Gouvernement de la République d’Haïti 2012).
In 2013 the MARNDR launched a three-year program of agricultural revival (Programme Triennal de Relance Agricole 2013–
2016) that revised the Ministry’s priorities and course of action. The program’s objectives included modernization of the
MARNDR, improvements in agricultural productivity, promotion of agroindustry, and reversal of land degradation through
promotion of sustainable natural resource management (MARNDR 2013a).
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3. Rice (local and imported)
Rice is the most consumed staple in Haiti. Its production is
concentrated in Artibonite Department and in irrigated areas
in Sud, Nord, Nord-Est and Centre Departments (Figure 18).
Once self-sufficient on rice, Haiti is now highly dependent on
imports due to the domestic production’s inability to cover
the growing demand, to low import tariffs, and to the
considerable price differential between imported and local
rice. Women play a prominent role in different aspects of rice
production and marketing. While the imported rice subsector
is highly concentrated in a few importers and distributors, the
local rice subsector is characterized by the presence of a large
number of actors at different stages of the marketing chain.
3.1. Consumption
Annual rice consumption in Haiti is currently estimated at 50
kg per person, on average, with rice contributing to
approximately 21 percent of daily calorie availability (CNSA
2014; FAO 2016). Rice is the most consumed staple in the
country nowadays, but this was not the case 30 years ago, when annual consumption was 13 kg per person. Considerable
increases in rice consumption were facilitated by the opening of the domestic market to imported rice in 1986 (Cochrane,
Childs, and Rosen 2016).
Local rice is preferred over imported rice, as it is perceived to have better taste and to be of higher nutritional quality.
However, as imported rice is cheaper than local rice, consumers (particularly those with limited purchasing power) opt for
imported rice. In rice-producing areas, revenues from rice sales are often used to purchase imported rice and other household
necessities. Rice is preferred over other staples, such as maize and tubers, in both urban and rural areas. Rice is mostly
consumed together with beans and/or other accompaniments such as meat if household finances allow (Fintrac 2013; FEWS
NET 2017).
3.2. Production
Contrary to its relevance for the Haitian diet, rice occupies
only 5 percent of the cultivated area at the national level (Van
Vliet et al. 2016). Artibonite Department is the largest rice
producer in Haiti, registering between 70–88 percent of total
land under its cultivation (Figure 19). Rice is also cultivated in
Sud, Nord, Nord-Est, and Centre Departments, but their
contribution to the total land under cultivation is lower, in
the range of 1–5 percent (MARNDR 2017).
Rice is cultivated mostly under irrigation (Van Vliet et al.
2016), but rainfed production also takes place in the humid
mountains in Nord, Nord-Ouest, and Nord-Est Departments
(MARNDR 2015).
Yields are low, in the range of 1.75–3.50 MT/ha of paddy rice. The national average is estimated at 3.00 MT/ha of paddy rice,
which is low compared to other producing areas in the LAC region such as the Dominican Republic (6.55 MT/ha) and Colombia
(5.90 MT/ha) (CNSA 2013). Over the period 2012–2016, average production of paddy rice was 156,864 MT (Figure 20),
equivalent to 91,258 MT of milled rice, assuming an extraction rate of 0.6. Overall, production levels vary from year to year,
particularly due to the effects of climatic events.
Rice is cultivated in all three seasons in the main producing areas (Table 6). However, other areas only have one (Centre
Department) or two seasons (Nord, Nord-Est, Nord-Ouest, Grand’Anse Departments). The spring season accounts for
approximately 36 percent of total production (CNSA 2013, 2014; MARNDR 2015).
Figure 18. Rice production and price map, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), MARDNR (2017), and
CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 19. Rice field in Artibonite Department
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
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Table 6. Seasonal calendar for irrigated rice (Artibonite Department)
Season Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Spring P H
Fall P H
Winter H P
Note: P = Planting, H = Harvesting
Source: MARNDR (2015).
The main varieties of rice cultivated are: Shella, Shelda, TCS10 white, TCS10 yellow, Ti solèy, and M8. While TCS10 is the
variety most widely produced, Shella and Shelda are considered of superior quality (MIC and PNUD Haiti 2014). Production
levels have not been able to keep pace with the increases in demand. About 80 percent of all rice consumed in the country
is imported. Tchako, Méga, Bull, and 10-sou-10 are the main varieties/brands imported. The United States, Vietnam, and the
Dominican Republic are the main trading partners, accounting for 81 percent, 7 percent, and 5 percent of total formal rice
imports, respectively, during the past years (MARNDR 2015; Cochrane, Childs, and Rosen 2016; COMTRADE 2017). Rice (rice
scrap and long rice) from the Dominican Republic is also informally imported to markets in border areas (FAO and WFP 2010).
During the 2011–2016 period, an average of 437,919 MT of milled rice was imported annually (COMTRADE 2017) (Figure 21).
The main constraints to rice production are: lack of financial resources needed by producers for investing and improving
production; lack of technical support; increasing price of fertilizers; untimely access to inputs; lack of availability of quality
inputs (particularly of seeds); lower availability of labor (due to emigration) coupled with its increasing cost; deterioration of
irrigation infrastructure; incidence of pests and diseases; and the impacts of climatic factors (Bayard 2007; MARNDR 2015).
Harvest and postharvest losses are estimated at 30 percent (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
3.3. Structure of the marketing system
A large number of actors participate in the local rice
marketing channel, which is considered to be competitive.
Production is carried out by a large number of small-scale
producers who sell the harvest to local Madame Saras or
medium-scale processors, such as the Compagnie Haïtienne
de Production Agricole SA (CHPA). (Figure 23). These actors
process (mill) and pack the product. Rice from CHPA is sold
under the Ti Malice brand. Madam Saras distribute to retailers
in the local consumption markets and to urban Madame Saras
who further move the product toward the major
consumption markets in Jérémie, the broader Port-au-Prince
area, Port-de-Paix, and Cap-Haitien (FEWS NET 2017). A share
of rice is consumed locally, particularly in the small producing
areas, but the larger flows (including the rice from Artibonite
Department) are directed toward the main urban markets
(Figure 28). Women play a prominent role in different aspects
of local rice production. They participate in planting and
harvesting activities, and bring the paddy rice to the mills.
Retail is entirely dominated by women and about half of the
wholesalers are women (FEWS NET 2017).
Formally imported rice enters predominantly through Port-
au-Prince and Cap-Haitien (FEWS NET 2017). Importers send
the rice to local distributors spread in major towns across the
country who then sell to wholesalers, who in turn sell to
retailers and these, to final consumers. Imports are
concentrated in a few importers, of which RiceCo S.A., CGC,
Group Caroli, and Tchaco S.A. are the most important. The
Government of Haiti also imports rice (as purchase or as
donation from other countries), which is then sold to larger-
scale traders (importers, distributers, or wholesalers) in public
sales that are announced in local newspapers (FEWS NET 2017).
Figure 20. Production of paddy rice in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016
Source: CNSA (2013), MARNDR (2014), MARDNR (2017).
Figure 21. Rice (milled) imports in Haiti, MT, 2011–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
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The import tariff for rice is low, a situation that facilitates imports. In 2016, the applied import tariff was 2.5 percent for paddy
rice and 5.0 percent for milled rice (WTO 2016). Flows of imported rice go in the opposite direction as those of local rice,
originating mainly in Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haitien and moving toward the rest of the country.
A study from 2016 indicated that in the 2011–2012 period, the rice import sector was “moderately concentrated,” based on
results from the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, a standard measure for assessing market concentration (Pop 2016). Importers
do not keep stocks as they have the ability to make regular purchases over the year, but wholesalers do tend to keep larger
stocks. This behavior grants them some power in the market dynamics (FEWS NET 2017). Beyond rice, importers, distributors,
and wholesalers are also involved in the trade of other imported commodities, such as wheat flour and oil, and in the trade
of local maize and beans (Latino and Musumeci 2016; FEWS NET 2017).
Rice processing involves many steps. After harvest, paddy
rice is cleaned, parboiled (for producing yellow rice), dried,
de-husked, and milled (for producing white rice). By 2007,
between 450–500 mills were operating in the country,
mostly relying on outdated equipment (Bayard 2007). In
2010, 221 mills were reported to be operating in the
Artibonite Valley (Fintrac 2013). The quality of milling
equipment affects rice quality and hence, price prospects,
since poorly performing equipment results in rice with high
levels of foreign matter and of broken grains (Cochrane,
Childs, and Rosen 2016). It has been documented that the
large agroindustry prefers sourcing from imports due to
lower price, the possibility of purchasing large quantities as
demand arises, and the ability to maintain consistent
product quality (Van Vliet et al. 2016).
At the retail level, rice is sold predominantly by the cup or
marmite (2.7-kg can). Supermarkets repack the product in
plastic bags that hold about 2 pounds (lbs) of product. At the
other levels, sales are done by marmite, 25-kg bag, or 50-kg
bag (FEWS NET 2017) (Figure 22).
A number of other actors participate in the rice chain at
different stages, including: MARNDR, the Customs Agency,
development projects funded by governments such as the
United States, Taiwan, and China, international
organizations and NGOs (FAO, WFP, Oxfam, BID), local
organizations (Organisation pour la Réhabilitation de
l’Environnement (ORE), Organisme de Développement de la
Vallée de
Figure 22. Marketing of rice
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Figure 23. Rice marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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l’Artibonite (ODVA)), financial institutions (cooperatives,
Microcredit National, Société General de Solidarité,
Association pour la Coopération avec la Micro Enterprise,
Fondasyon), academic institutions (IICA, local universities),
and large-scale consumers (school feeding program,
restaurants, community restaurants from the Ministry of
Social Affairs and Labor, etc.). These
organizations/institutions support the chain by facilitating
access to inputs (including seeds), mechanization, and credit;
supporting the functioning of the current irrigation
infrastructure; providing technical assistance; and making
large-scale purchases (Bayard 2007; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan,
and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017).
The different actors in the chain generally access market
information from their business networks. At all stages,
prices are established by negotiation between the parties
involved. Insights from the field assessment indicate that
traders adjust their selling prices based on the amounts to be
purchased by their clients (FEWS NET 2017).
The rice marketing system faces several constraints that
hamper its operation and performance: lack of storage
facilities; outdated and poorly maintained milling
equipment; lack of packaging and handling possibilities;
weakness of the HTG; poor road infrastructure; high
transport costs; and an insufficient domestic supply, which
constrains the scaling up of the sector (Cochrane, Childs, and
Rosen 2016; FEWS NET 2017).
3.4. Performance of the marketing system
Generally, the rice of price varies depending on origin (local
or imported), location (Figure 24, Figure 25), brand, quality,
and amount purchased. The “Shella” local rice is the most
expensive in the country. Its price is about two times the
price of imported rice. Other local rice types that are
considered of inferior quality have price levels similar to
imported rice (Fintrac 2013). Prices for “Shella” are lowest in
Port-au-Prince, the largest consumer market. In this market,
“Shella” rice tends to be cheaper closer to the end of the year
(October to December) relative to the rest of the year. The
highest prices occur between February and March,
coinciding with the end of the winter harvest (Figure 26).
Among other markets, Les Cayes displays the largest price
variability in the 2012 –2016 period. Prices in consumption
markets of Jérémie, Jacmel, and Gonaïves are comparatively
more stable.
Prices for imported rice are lowest in Port-au-Prince and Cap-
Haitien, the main entry points for imported rice. Deficit areas
such as Jérémie, Jacmel, or Port-de-Paix register the highest
prices (Figure 25). The costs of transporting rice vary
depending on the route and distance covered, but range between 10–75 HTG/25-kg bag (FEWS NET 2017). Given the
regularity of purchases from the international market, the price of imported rice is fairly stable over the year.
Figure 24. Retail price of local rice (Shella, HTG/lb) in
selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 25. Retail price of imported rice (Bull, HTG/lb) in
selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 26. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-
Prince) local rice retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
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Port-au-Prince is considered the reference market for the
analysis of rice market dynamics in the metropolitan area,
which includes Pétion Ville, Carrefour, Croix des Bouquets,
Salomon, Delmas, Tabarre, and Cité Soleil. It is the main port
of entry to Haiti for imported rice from the international
market. Figure 27 compares export prices for the United
States and Vietnam, as well as wholesale prices in Port-au-
Prince and the Dominican Republic. The fact that the United
States stands as the main supplier of imported rice to Haiti
is well reflected in prices observed in Port-au-Prince, which
closely follow the U.S. trend. Annex 3. Market
Integration, displays market integration results.
Moderate to strong price co-movement (corresponding to
correlation coefficients above 0.5 in pairwise price
comparisons) is observed between Cap-Haitien and Cayes,
Cap-Haitien and Gonaïves, Cap-Haitien and Jacmel, and Cap-
Haitien and Jérémie. Prices in Port-au-Prince show weak co-movement with the other markets analyzed (Table 7); however,
as shown in Figure 27, they closely follow U.S. prices.
No quality standards exist in the domestic rice market. Quality is assessed based on grain variety, length, fatness, smell, taste,
degree of breakage, and impurities (Bayard 2007; Fintrac 2013). From consumers’ perspectives, the perceived nutritional
quality, taste, and cooking time are relevant quality characteristics (FEWS NET 2017).
Table 7. Correlation coefficient for local rice prices in selected markets
Market Cap-Haitien Cayes Gonaïves Jacmel
Cap-Haitien 1
Cayes 0.606
**
1
Gonaïves 0.516
**
0.199 1
Jacmel 0.718
**
0.389
**
0.426
**
1
Jérémie 0.529
**
0.397
**
0.046 0.275
*
Port-au-Prince 0.136 0.484
**
0.086 0.336
**
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 27. International export rice prices and wholesale
price in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from SIMA (2017); FAO (2017);
EAAPDEA (2017); World Bank (2017).
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Figure 28. Rice (local) production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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4. Maize (local and imported)
Maize is the second most consumed cereal in Haiti, but the
most widely cultivated crop in the country. While it is grown
in all departments, Ouest, Artibonite, Centre, and Sud
Departments provide around two-thirds of total production
(Figure 29). Increasing demand for food and nonfood uses
makes local production insufficient to cover domestic
demand. The local maize marketing system is competitive,
characterized by the presence of a large number of actors at
different stages of the marketing chain. Madame Saras are
a key actor in the chain as they act as intermediaries
between producers and consumers. Maize is an important
commodity in cross-border flows with the Dominican
Republic.
4.1. Consumption
Annual maize consumption in Haiti is currently estimated at
20 kg per person, on average (CNSA 2014), but its
consumption is higher in maize-producing areas. Maize
contributes to approximately 10 percent of daily calorie availability (FAO 2016). Before the opening of the domestic market
to rice imports in 1985, maize consumption was larger than that of rice, but since then its consumption has reduced relative
to rice (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
Estimates suggest that about 10 percent of maize produced is consumed fresh (boiled or grilled) and 70 percent of maize is
consumed as processed product (maize flour, coarse/ground maize or “mais moulu,” maize wine, etc.) (Jean-Pierre,
Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013). Maize flour is used to cook porridges or to produce corn-based drinks (such as AK 100 or
“Akasan”) (Fintrac 2013). Ground maize is consumed in a variety of dishes, accompanied by beans, cooked vegetables, and/or
meat (FEWS NET 2017). Consumers often prefer imported maize meal and flour over local products as they are regarded to
be of better quality and taste (FAO and WFP 2010; Fintrac 2013; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013). Maize is a substitute
for rice in households’ food consumption (FEWS NET 2017).
4.2. Production
Maize cultivation is widespread across the country, occupying about 25 percent of the total cultivated area. Seventy-five
percent of all agricultural producers cultivate maize, mostly in rainfed conditions and in association with other crops such as
beans, peas, banana, and tubers. Seeds are usually produced from own harvest (Van Vliet et al. 2016). Ouest, Artibonite,
Centre, and Sud Departments contribute to over 60 percent of total production (MARNDR 2017).
Generally, planting and harvesting of maize occur at different times over the course of the year (Table 8), varying by location
and variety grown. Short-cycle varieties are typically grown in warm and/or irrigated areas, while long-cycle varieties are
cultivated in cooler areas and in mountains. The spring season accounts for approximately 70 percent of annual production
(MARNDR 2012b; CNSA 2013, 2014). The main varieties grown are Chicken Corn, Ti Bourik, Maquina, Comayagua, Ti Mayi,
and Gros Mayi. Maize cultivation is part of a risk-reducing strategy for agricultural producers, who keep about 60 percent of
the production for own consumption (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
Table 8. Seasonal calendar for maize
Activity Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Harvest
Planting
Source: Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul (2013) and (FEWS NET 2017).
Yields are low, in the range of 0.5–3.0 MT/ha. The national average is estimated at 1.0 MT/ha, which is low compared to the
average of 3.5 MT/ha observed in neighboring Dominican Republic (CNSA 2013). In the period 2012–2016, maize production
averaged 174,256 MT (Figure 30). Production levels have been variable particularly due to the effects of climatic events.
Maize production in 2009, considered as the reference year, totaled 353,785 MT (CNSA 2013).
Figure 29. Maize production and price map, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), MARDNR (2017), and
CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
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Maize imports are in the form of maize meal and maize flour
(to a lower extent). Imports are sourced from the Dominican
Republic, which in the 2011–2015 period accounted for 63
percent of all formal imports. The United States and Brazil
are the other two major trade partners, capturing 25 percent
and 10 percent, respectively, of total formal imports. Other
partners supply the remaining 2 percent (COMTRADE 2017).
Formal imports averaged 59,528 MT/year during that period
and registered an increasing trend up to 2014/15 (Figure 31.
Increasing demand for maize for poultry production is
deemed responsible for the increased demand for maize in
the country (Van Vliet et al. 2016, FEWS NET 2017). No
estimates exist on the size of informal imports made from the
Dominican Republic via cross-border trade. The 2015 import
ban included ground maize as one of the products for which
imports by land are no longer allowed. This might have
increased the amount of informal imports. Popular brands of
imported ground maize are Alberto from the United States
and Gradoro from the Dominican Republic.
Maize production faces several constraints, namely:
unfavorable climatic factors affecting production (erratic
rains, drought); lack of access to irrigation; limited availability
and access to production inputs (improved seeds, fertilizers);
incidence of pests and diseases; use of traditional cropping
practices; lack of access to financial capital for investment in
production (inputs, payment for labor); and lack of
organization of producers for planning harvest and timing
(Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
4.3. Structure of the marketing system
The widespread production of maize results in a large
number of actors participating in the local maize marketing
chain across the country, making it a competitive market with no evident barriers to entry (Figure 33). Producers sell at farm
gate to local Madame Saras, who purchase small amounts of grain depending on their capacity to handle the produce. Given
the large supply and lack of connections to other actors in the chain, producers have low bargaining power and are price
takers instead. Madame Saras play a key role in the chain since they store, process, transport, and commercialize (to other
traders and final consumers) the maize. On occasion, they also provide advances to producers (des Fontaines 2012; FEWS
NET 2017).
Local mills provide milling services to producers and local Madame Saras in exchange for a fee set at around 35-40 HTG per
bucket (marmite). The extraction rate of grain to ground maize is about 2:1.4. These Madame Saras sell, in local and regional
markets, to different actors such as retailers, consumers, and urban Madame Saras who aggregate larger quantities to be
distributed in Port-au-Prince and other regional consumption markets (Figure 38). Shorter and smaller flows are directed
toward local and regional markets in producing areas and other deficit areas in the country. Key markets for maize flows are
Les Cayes, Fonds-des-Nègres, Belladère, Gonaïves, Hinche, Port-de-Paix, and Port-au-Prince (FEWS NET 2017). At the retail
level, maize is sold predominantly by the “cup” or by marmite (2.7-kg can). Supermarkets repack the product(s) in plastic bags
that hold about 2 lbs of product (Figure 32). At other levels of the chain, sales are made by marmite, 25-kg bag, or 50-kg bag
(FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
Figure 30. Production of maize in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013) and MARDNR (2017).
Figure 31. Maize imports in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 27
Figure 32. Marketing of maize
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Producers and local Madam Saras also sell to the local Chambers of Agriculture, which in turn sell to other large-scale
institutional buyers. Urban Madam Saras sell to retailers, supermarkets, and final consumers. In times of low local maize
availability, the product (mostly imported maize products) flows in the opposite direction from Port-au-Prince, toward the
smaller regional and local markets through the same market network (des Fontaines 2012; FEWS NET 2017).
Rice importers also import ground maize (and other
products). Les Moulins d’Haïti and Haiti Broilers capture the
broad majority of grain imports. STANCO accounts for about
50 percent of ground (meal) maize imports. Formally
imported maize enters the country mostly through Port-au-
Prince. Formal and informal imports from the Dominican
Republic occur along the Dominican/Haitian border, but
mostly through the Ouanaminthe, Belladère, Malpasse, and
Anse à Pitres border crossings. Once in Haiti, imported
maize joins the local maize flows. Dominican maize also
enters Haiti by sea from the southern part of the border to
Marigot, in Sud-Est Department.
Large- and medium-scale transformation (and packing) is
done by a few companies (such as Les Moulins d’Haïti,
Céreales d’Haïti, Compagnie Haïtienne de Promotion
Agricole, and CETAI) that further distribute the product to
wholesalers and retailers (Fintrac 2013; Jean-Pierre,
Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017). Import tariffs
for maize are 0 percent for maize seed and 20 percent for
other maize product (grain for other uses, meal, flour) (WTO
2016). This higher level of tariffs compared to those for rice
protects local maize producers. In support of domestic
production, no fees are applied to the import of maize
seeds. The import of ground maize/maize meal by land was
prohibited with the 2015 ban (CFI 2016).
Figure 33. Maize marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 28
Other actors support the chain in different aspects. The NGO
ORE produces improved seeds that are mostly used in the
southern part of Haiti. FAO has also supported the activities
of the MARNDR for distributing improved seeds to
producers. Producer organizations and cooperatives
support their members in different aspects of production
and commercialization, including access to credit and
inputs. Transporters handle and transport products,
commissioned by Madame Saras. Storage providers
facilitate storage space to Madame Saras and local retailers
in or near the markets. Institutional buyers, such as WFP, the
school lunch program, and government agencies engage in
large-scale purchases. A number of agricultural
development projects funded by foreign governments
(United States, Taiwan) have also supported activities in the
maize sector (FEWS NET 2017).
4.4. Performance of the marketing system
Prices are established based on information gathered from
different sources and bargaining between trading partners.
Generally, the price of maize varies by type of product
(grain, meal, snacks), origin (local, imported), location,
brand, quality, and amount purchased. In Croix des Bossales
market in the broader Port-au-Prince area, the price of
maize meal imported from the United States is about twice
that of local maize meal (Figure 34).
For local ground maize, notable price differences are
observed between markets (Figure 35). For most of the time
during the series, Cap-Haitien registered the highest prices
and Jérémie the lowest. Based on field observations,
consumers in Cap-Haitien display stronger preferences for
local ground maize compared to consumers in Jérémie, who
tend to prefer imported ground maize. This underlying
difference impacts demand for local ground maize, and
hence price. During the past months, local ground maize
retail prices ranged between 10–20 HTG/lb.
In most markets, prices for imported ground maize are close
to 20 HTG/lb (Figure 36). The lowest prices are observed in
Cayes and Hinche, while the highest are most often
experienced in Ouanaminthe. Overall, maize prices are
highly variable.
At the local level, prices show seasonal variability. During
periods of large supply, prices can range between 30–35
HTG/marmite (about 2.7 kg or 6 lb). In times of low supply,
prices can increase up to 75–100 HTG/marmite. The costs of
transporting maize are the same as for rice, and vary
depending on the route and distance covered. They range
between 10–75 HTG/25-kg bag (FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
Figure 37 shows the seasonal variation of local ground maize
retail prices in Port-au-Prince. Prices are lower toward the
Figure 34. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of local and imported
ground maize in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti,
2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from SIMA (2017), and CNSA and
FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 35. Retail price of local ground maize (HTG/lb) in
selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 36. Retail price of imported ground maize (HTG/lb)
in selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 29
end of the year, coinciding with the harvesting season
starting in October. However, Port-au-Prince receives maize
supplies from all producing regions as harvesting initiates in
the different locations.
Prices of local ground maize display moderate to strong co-
movement (assessed via correlation analysis) in certain
markets (Table 9). The markets in Cayes, Jérémie, Fond-des-
Nègres, and Jacmel, located in the bottom half of the
country, display stronger correlations with each other in
comparison with markets located in other areas of the
country, suggesting strong price co-movement (and market
integration) across these markets. Among southern
markets, only Jacmel and Jérémie show a moderate
correlation with prices in Port-au-Prince, suggesting that
prices in these markets have weaker co-movement with
prices in Port-au-Prince. For these two markets, prices in
Fond-des-Nègres are more relevant.
Cap-Haitien, Gonaïves, Hinche, and Ouanaminthe, located in the upper half of the country, have stronger correlations among
themselves in comparison with markets in the southern part of the country. The prices in Gonaïves market register the
strongest correlations with other markets, particularly with Ouanaminthe, Port-au-Prince, Port-de-Paix, and Hinche,
indicating strong co-movement in prices across these markets.
Consistent with major trade flows, prices in Port-au-Prince co-move with prices in Gonaïves, Hinche, Jacmel, and
Ouanaminthe. Weaker co-movement is observed with Cap-Haitien, Jérémie, and Port-de-Paix, which are more distant
markets from Port-au-Prince.
Table 9. Correlation coefficient for local ground maize in selected markets
Market
Cap-
Haitien Cayes
Fond-
des
Nègres
Gonai-
ves Hinche Jacmel Jérémie
Ouana-
minthe
Port-
au-
Prince
Port-
de-Paix
Cap-Haitien 1
Cayes 0.042 1
Fond-des-
Nègres
0.051 0.887
**
1
Gonaïves 0.583
**
0.363
**
0.359
**
1
Hinche 0.494
**
0.115 0.202 0.714
**
1
Jacmel 0.553
**
0.537
**
0.600
**
0.558
**
0.564
**
1
Jérémie 0.260
*
0.669
**
0.622
**
0.570
**
0.495
**
0.560
**
1
Ouanaminthe 0.409
**
0.287
*
0.288
*
0.887
**
0.621
**
0.430
**
0.381
**
1
Port-au-Prince 0.573
**
0.375
**
0.404
**
0.857
**
0.655
**
0.615
**
0.542
**
0.809
**
1
Port-de-Paix 0.344
**
0.060 -0.018 0.698
**
0.699
**
0.234 0.365
**
0.629
**
0.546
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
Overall, the maize marketing system faces a number of challenges that impact product quality and distribution toward
consumers. Some of these challenges are: poor quality of grains at harvest (not in optimal humidity level or at different
maturation stages); poor quality of the milling process (for producing ground maize/maize meal); inefficient aggregation and
distribution processes (too segmented); poor storage practices and facilities that reduce product shelf life; difficulty
improving quality and distribution processes given the large number of actors with their own practices; limited access to
adequate (hermetic) packaging options (to protect/maintain product quality); and the current system’s incapacity to ensure
regular supply in sufficient quantities and quality for accessing certain market possibilities (institutional buyers) (Jean-Pierre,
Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
Figure 37. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-
Prince) local ground maize retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 30
Figure 38. Maize (local) production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 31
5. Sorghum
Sorghum is the third most important cereal produced in
Haiti, with Artibonite and Centre Departments the largest
producers in terms of area dedicated to its cultivation
(Figure 39). Nippes and Sud Departments are becoming
major producers due to their linkages to the processing
industry. Beyond sorghum’s use as food for human
consumption, its use as an ingredient in the processing of
“Malta H” (a nonalcoholic drink) has incentivized its
production in recent years. At the small scale, sorghum is
mostly commercialized through the Madame Saras’
network. Large-scale transactions and processing are in the
hands of a few corporate actors.
5.1. Consumption
Of all cereals, sorghum consumption is the lowest, at an
annual consumption of 5 kg per person (CNSA 2013).
Sorghum contributes to 2 percent of daily calorie availability
(FAO 2016). Grains are processed into semolina and are also
incorporated as an ingredient in drinks; “Malta H” is its most popular application. Grains or semoulin are boiled or grilled.
Apart from food consumption, sorghum is used in the production of animal feed, fuel, and alcoholic drinks. As a staple, it is
mostly consumed in sorghum-producing areas. Overall, it is less preferred than rice and maize as it is considered an inferior
food (Levesque 2014; FEWS NET 2017).
5.2. Production
Eight percent of cultivated area at the national level is dedicated to sorghum production (Van Vliet et al. 2016), with Ouest,
Artibonite, Centre, and Sud Departments contributing to over 80 percent of total production (MARNDR 2012b, 2017). Given
its lower hydric needs relative to rice and maize, sorghum is cultivated in drier and/or marginal areas in the plains and
mountains under a rainfed system. It is often grown by smallholders in association with pulses (mainly peas), maize, or other
crops such as banana and watermelon and in rotation with vegetables (CNSA and WFP 2011; FEWS NET 2017), but some
varieties are grown in monoculture (FEWS NET 2017).
Sorghum is produced in all seasons, but planting and harvesting times vary by region and variety used (Table 10). While about
40 percent of total output is produced in the spring season, year-to-year variations were observed in recent years (MARNDR
2012b; CNSA 2013, 2014).
Table 10. Seasonal calendar for sorghum
Activity Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Planting
Harvest
Source: CNSA (2013), Leclerc, Pressoir, and Braconnier (2014); FEWS NET (2017).
Sorghum is also referred as “pitimi” or “mil” (pearl millet). The sensitivity of sorghum to day-length led to the cultivation of
photoperiod-insensitive varieties, which have shorter cycles. In recent years (2010–2014), efforts were made to cultivate
multipurpose sweet sorghum, from which the grains, juice (after processing of the stems), and foliage can be utilized.
Commonly photoperiod-insensitive varieties include M50009, RCV, Sureño (also known as Papésèk), and Soberano. As well,
a number of traditional varieties (photoperiod-sensitive) such as Boutponyèt, Populaire, Dékabès, and Contretemps are
cultivated (Leclerc, Pressoir, and Braconnier 2014; Levesque 2014).
Yields are low, between 0.50–1.50 MT/ha (1.00 MT/ha average). This performance is low compared to other producing areas
in the LAC region such as the Dominican Republic (3.22 MT/ha) and Colombia (3.04 MT/ha) (CNSA 2013). Between 2012 and
2015, Haiti produced an average of 57,934 MT of sorghum per year. However, since 2014 total production has
Figure 39. Sorghum production and price map, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), MARDNR (2017), and
CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 32
decreased considerably, maintaining a downward trend
(Figure 40). Generally, Haiti is considered self-sufficient in
sorghum for human consumption and no formal imports are
documented.
The main constraints to sorghum production are adverse
climatic factors (late rains, drought), incidence of pests and
diseases, use of low-yielding varieties, and lack of use of
production inputs (such as fertilizers) and of improved crop
management techniques.
5.3. Structure of the marketing system
The structure of the sorghum (grain) marketing system is
characterized by a large number of producers, and small-
scale traders and retailers. Women are key players in small-
scale transactions. Large-scale distribution and processing
are in the hands of a few corporate actors, which have the
power to influence markets in a variety of ways, for instance
by setting fixed prices, favoring certain varieties, and establishing contracts and quality requirements for grains (Figure 42).
Depending on household needs, some sorghum is kept by producing households for own consumption, animal feed, or seed
stock. This share is consumed as grain (and sorghum “pilé”, or ground sorghum) or milled into semoulin. The rest of the grains
(once dried) are retailed in local markets or sold in small quantities to local Madame Saras who collect, aggregate, and process
some of the grain. Madame Saras purchase sorghum in the local markets or at the farm gate. After processing, they sell it to
other traders (urban Madame Saras or regional traders) who distribute the product to retailers and consumers across the
country. Most sales occur at harvest time, but some producers hold stocks until the local supply decreases and/or prices
reach an attractive point (Levesque 2014; FEWS NET 2017). At the retail level, sorghum is sold predominantly by the cup or
marmite (2.7-kg can). At other levels of the chain, sales are done by marmite or larger-sized bags (25–50 kg) (Figure 41).
(FEWS NET 2017).
Similar to other commodities, milling takes place at the local level through small mills, which provide the service in exchange
for a fee. Estimates assess the grain-to-semoulin extraction rate in the range between 50–65 percent (Levesque 2014). The
residues of the milling process are often used as animal feed. Elaboration of sorghum “pilé” (a sort of pounded grain) is a
labor-intensive process that occurs mainly at the producer level, by household members. This processing increases the market
value of the product, which is often regarded as of better quality and taste than milled sorghum (Levesque 2014).
Figure 41. Marketing of sorghum: sorghum in grain and ground sorghum
Cleaned grain Ground sorghum (sorghum “pilé”)
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Figure 40. Production of sorghum in Haiti, MT, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA and WFP (2011), CNSA (2013),
and MARDNR (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
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Larger-scale transactions are organized by producer
associations, who collect the grains from members and sell
to BRANA (Brasserie Nationale d’Haïti, S.A.) and other
larger-scale food processors, such as SOTRAPAL (Society for
the Transformation of Food-Processing Products) (RTI 2014;
FEWS NET 2017). BRANA, a national subsidiary of Heineken,
is increasingly using local sorghum (in replacement for
imported malt) for elaboration of the popular “Malta H”
drink. This marketing channel includes the participation of
other actors who coordinate the collection and transport of
the grains to BRANA’s facilities, and SMASH (the Smallholder
Alliance for Sorghum in Haiti project), which establishes
contractual relationships with BRANA and provides
technical support to farmers in Sud, Nippes, Ouest, and
Nord-Est Departments (RTI 2014; PAPYRUS 2016).
Other actors relevant to the sorghum marketing chain are
transporters, the broader agroindustry (animal feed – Haiti
Broilers, SOTRAPAL), credit providers, intermediaries, input
providers (including improved seeds), and research centers.
Key markets in sorghum trade flows are Cayes and Fonds-
des-Nègres, which move the product toward the broader
Port-au-Prince area; Hinche and Mirebalais in Centre
Department, which aggregate and move local production
toward Port-au-Prince; and Gonaïves and Saint Marc, which
channel flows from the northern area toward Port-au-Prince
(Figure 45).
5.4. Performance of the marketing system
In the small-scale local sorghum trade, prices are established
based on information gathered from different sources and
bargaining between trading partners. Large-scale
transactions related to BRANA establish a fixed price that
serves as guarantee and incentive to producers for delivery
of their product. Prices vary by type of grain, by whether the
grain has been pre-processed (sorghum “pilé”), and by the
amount purchased.
Retail prices behave similarly across key markets (Figure 43).
The lowest price levels are observed in Fonds-des-Nègres
and Hinche, which are key areas for sorghum production,
collection, and aggregation. Higher prices occur in Cap-
Haitien and Port-au-Prince, which are deficit areas.
Prices show marked seasonal variability. During periods of large supply, prices can be half (or less) than the price during the
time of lowest sorghum availability. In Fonds-des-Nègres, a key market in sorghum trade flows, prices start decreasing in
November with the start of the harvests, and reach their lowest between February and April (Figure 44). Prices gradually
increase between May and November, corresponding to the growing period (FEWS NET 2017).
Prices of sorghum show varying degrees of co-movement across the different markets in the country (Table 11). Statistically
significant correlations are moderate to strong (correlation coefficients between 0.50 and up to 0.87) in Gonaïves, Fonds-des-
Nègres, Les Cayes, and most of the other markets analyzed. Prices in Port-au-Prince display moderate co-movement with Les
Cayes, Fonds-des-Nègres, Hinche, and Jacmel, and strong co-movement with Gonaïves market. Prices in Cap-Haitien, Jérémie,
and Ouanaminthe have rather weak co-movement with the rest of the markets.
Figure 42. Sorghum marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 43. Retail prices (HTG/lb) of sorghum in selected
markets, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 34
Several factors constrain the marketing system of sorghum
in Haiti. Among the main ones stand: the seasonality of
production; variable and/or poor quality of the grains at
harvest; inefficient aggregation and distribution processes;
poor storage practices; high levels of aflatoxins which make
grains useless for human consumption; high transport costs;
and the current system’s incapacity to ensure a regular
supply in sufficient quantity and quality with respect to the
needs of the growing agroprocessing market for food and
nonfood uses (RTI 2014; Levesque 2014; FEWS NET 2017).
Table 11. Correlation coefficient for sorghum in selected markets
Market
Cap-
Haitien Cayes
Fond-
des-
Nègres
Gonai-
ves Hinche Jacmel Jérémie
Ouana-
minthe
Port-au-
Prince
Port-de-
Paix
Cap-
Haitien
1.000
Cayes 0.219 1
Fonds-des-
Nègres
0.314
*
0.874
**
1
Gonaïves
0.543
**
0.732
**
0.807
**
1
Hinche 0.171 0.649
**
0.647
**
0.661
**
1
Jacmel 0.447
**
0.511
**
0.668
**
0.842
**
0.609
**
1
Jérémie
0.062 0.319
*
0.192 0.284
*
0.074 0.274
*
1
Ouanamin-
the
-0.134 -0.005 -0.027 -0.187 0.133 0.061 0.034 1
Port-au-
Prince
0.443
**
0.656
**
0.679
**
0.822
**
0.520
**
0.610
**
0.172 0.134 1
Port-de-
Paix
0.563
**
0.501
**
0.653
**
0.661
**
0.367
**
0.568
**
-0.081 -0.297 0.579
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 44. Seasonal index Fonds-des-Nègres sorghum retail
price, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 35
Figure 45. Sorghum production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 36
6. Wheat (imported grains and flour)
Wheat-based products such as flour, pasta, bread, biscuits, and other bakery products are an important element of the
Haitian diet. Bulgur wheat is also consumed, but to a much lower extent. Without domestic production of wheat, these
products are sourced through imports. The United States is the main trading partner for wheat grain and bulgur wheat, and
the Dominican Republic dominates transactions for wheat flour. Les Moulins d’Haïti is the main wheat processor in Haiti and
captures a large proportion of the domestic flour market.
6.1. Consumption
Wheat is consumed in a variety of forms in Haiti. Wheat flour is consumed in soups and porridges accompanying beans and
other side dishes. It is also an essential component of pasta, bakery products, and snacks, which are largely consumed across
the country. Consumption of bulgur wheat is less widespread and is mostly associated with food aid (Fintrac 2013; FEWS NET
2017). Due to its relevance to the diet, wheat flour is a commodity included in the CNSA’s food basket. Its annual consumption
is estimated at 14 kg/person, on average. However, as with all commodities, it is recognized that regional consumption
patterns and preferences shape its consumption (CNSA 2014). At the aggregate level, wheat (and its products) contributes to
approximately 9 percent of daily calorie availability (FAO 2016).
6.2. Production
The domestic supply of wheat grains, flour, and bulgur
wheat is entirely sourced from imports. In the period 2011–
2015, Haiti imported an average of 315,064 MT of wheat per
year (Figure 46). By product, flour is the most important
commodity, accounting for 50 percent of total formal
imports (equivalent to 156,023 MT/year on average) (Figure
47). The Dominican Republic dominates this market,
supplying 86 percent of all imports, followed by Turkey, with
10 percent of imports in that period.
While estimates of the size of informal wheat flour imports
are not available, the value of those imports was estimated
at USD 37.4 million in 2014. Wheat flour is considered to be
the food-related commodity with the largest cross-border
imports. Its formal imports were valued at USD 78.4 million
in 2014, suggesting that about one-third of total wheat
imports (by value) were informal that year (CFI 2016). The
ban implemented in October 2015 prohibiting imports of
wheat flour by land might have further incentivized informal
imports. As Figure 47 shows, formal imports decreased
notably between 2014 and 2015.
Grain imports represent 37 percent of all formal imports
according to COMTRADE data. On average, Haiti imported
115,308 MT/per year in the period 2011–2015. The United
States sourced 56 percent of these imports, followed by the
Russian Federation (19 percent), Mexico and Latvia (10
percent each), and others. Formal imports of bulgur wheat
are entirely sourced from the United States. Once in the
country, grains (mostly Hard Red Winter and Dark Northern
Spring wheat) are processed locally for the production of
flour and a variety of products (pasta, breads, biscuits, etc.)
(Fintrac 2013; FEWS NET 2017). Assuming that all wheat
grains are processed into flour at an extraction rate of 0.7,
total flour availability from formal imports (of grain or flour)
averaged 236,738 MT/year in the 2011–2015 period.
Figure 46. Formal wheat (all products) imports, 2011–2016,
Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
Figure 47. Formal wheat flour imports, 2011–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 37
6.3. Structure of the marketing system
On the supply side, the wheat marketing system is
dominated by large-scale actors (Figure 48). The three main
wheat-grain importers in Haiti are Les Moulins d’Haïti
(LMH), M&R Lumber, and Les Céréales d’Haïti (LCH). LMH is
by far the largest importer, capturing 89 percent of total
grain availability in the country (Fintrac 2013). LMH and LCH
are the largest processors; LMH holds most of the market
share (over 70 percent). In 2016, it processed about
137,000 MT of flour (FEWS NET 2017), but it has an installed
capacity of more than 280,000 MT/year (Fintrac 2013).
Other importers are Bongu, La Perla, and Caribbean Milling
(FEWS NET 2017) (Figure 49).
Other large-scale processors engage in the production of
wheat-based products such as pasta and snacks. For
instance, Huileries Haïtiennes markets spaghetti under the
brand “Gourmet” (Huileries Haïtiennes S.A. 2017). Arlequin
Foods produces a diversity of snacks (tapas, cheese puffs,
etc.) under the “chee co” brand, and spaghetti and other
pastas under the “Arlequin” and “Napoli” brands (Arlequin
Food Products 2017).
A number of traders participate in wheat flour imports. At
a larger scale, Antonio Handal & Co (Express Distribution
Center, EDC) and Cristo SA (Deka Group, better known for
the Bongu brand) are the main wheat flour importers
licensed by the Quarantine Direction (DQCSPAP, Direction
de la Quarantine et du Contrôle Sanitaire des Produits
Agricoles et de Pêche). According to DQCSPAP information,
Antonio Handal & Co imports from the Dominican Republic
and Cristo SA/Bongu from Turkey (DQCSPAP 2016). EDC
(under Antonio Handal/the Handal group), distributes food
and nonfood products across Haiti. Carribex is another
importer that also trades vegetable oil and maize (under
the Ti-Malice brand).
Smaller traders import flour in the bordering areas with the
Dominican Republic. Local Haitian traders and itinerant
Dominican traders coordinate formal and informal wheat
flour imports to Haiti. Once in Haiti, the flour moves along
with other commodities in the marketing system. In 2016, no tariffs were applied to the import of wheat grain, but for wheat
flour these were in the order of 25 percent (WTO 2016).
Overall, importers engage local distributors for the delivery of the product to processors and wholesalers, who in turn sell to
retailers and final consumers. The main processors and importers are located in Ouest Department, in or near Port-au-Prince.
Wheat flour imported from the Dominican Republic is transported to markets directly by local wholesalers and larger retailers
(FEWS NET 2017).
Transactions are usually on cash, but credit is often extended to trusted business partners. Wholesalers receive credit from
importers and in turn provide credit to their traders and retailers (FEWS NET 2017).
A study from 2016 indicated that in the 2011–2012 period, the import of wheat flour and of wheat-based products such as
bread and bakery products, pasta, and couscous was “highly concentrated,” based on results from the Herfindahl-Hirschman
Index, a standard measure for assessing market concentration. Concentration in this sector is reinforced by family ties. The
Figure 48. Wheat marketing channel, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 49. Wheat flour brands, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
Famine Early Warning Systems Network 38
risks of this concentration translate into the establishment of barriers to entry, engagement in anticompetitive business
practices, prevention of the development of products, and high consumer prices (Pop 2016).
Compared to the situation in importing and processing activities, a larger number of actors participate in wholesaling and
retailing wheat flour, making it a competitive market. These actors trade flour together with many other commodities. At the
retail level, flour is sold in bags ranging from 5 kg to 25 kg. At other levels, flour is sold in bags of 25 kg and 50 kg (FEWS NET
2017).
6.4. Performance of the marketing system
Generally, wheat flour prices tend to be stable in most markets across the country due to the stability of imports (Figure 50
and Figure 51). From 10 markets monitored, only Jacmel and Ouanaminthe display particular variations with respect to the
rest of the markets. Given the reliance of these markets on wheat flour from the Dominican Republic, these markets display
different price dynamics. Further research on wheat flour market dynamics in these locations is needed. Price increases
observed in late 2015 and early 2016 may reflect the impacts of the import ban (FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
Across markets, price differentials occur based on perceived
quality and transport costs. Prices also vary by the amount
of product purchased and the existing business relationship
between trading partners (FEWS NET 2017). In Port-au-
Prince, wheat flour tends to be cheaper toward the end of
the year, from October to December, relative to the rest of
the year. The highest prices are observed in February–
March and September (Figure 51). Prices in Ouanaminthe,
the second most important cross-border market with the
Dominican Republic, increased in late 2015, possibly due to
the effects of the import ban on local flour supply.
Overall, retail wheat flour prices display moderate to very
strong co-movement across the country, with correlation
coefficients between 0.5 and 0.9 (Table 12). Weaker
correlations are registered between Ouanaminthe and the
rest of the country, highlighting the difference between this
market and the rest (Figure 50.
Quality control of imported grain and flour is predominantly
done at customs. Evidence of Dominican flour containing
high and toxic levels of potassium bromate has brought up
concerns from local industry about quality control and fair
competition (CFI 2016) and from the Haitian government
about food safety and consumer protection. In response to
this, the Ministry of Trade and Industry issued a note in July
2015 requiring wheat flour importers to obtain a Certificate
of Free Sale prior to sale of products in Haitian territory
(Ministère du Commerce et de l’Industrie n.d.). The note
was signed by the Ministers of Commerce and Industry,
Public Health and Population, Agriculture, Natural
Resources, and Rural Development, and Economy and
Finances.
Figure 50. Retail price of wheat flour (HTG/lb) in selected
markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 51. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-
Prince) and Ouanaminthe wheat flour retail prices, Haiti, 2012–
2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
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Table 12. Correlation coefficient for wheat flour prices in selected markets
Market Gonaïves Jacmel Jérémie Ouanaminthe
Port-au-
Prince
Port-de-
Paix
Gonaïves 1
Jacmel 0.906
**
1
Jérémie 0.876
**
0.897
**
1
Ouanaminthe 0.529
**
0.411
**
0.448
**
1
Port-au-Prince 0.736
**
0.690
**
0.677
**
0.564
**
1
Port-de-Paix 0.778
**
0.640
**
0.640
**
0.330
*
0.617
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
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7. Pulses (dry beans and peas)
Haitians consume a large variety of pulses, with black beans,
red beans, pigeon peas, and groundnuts the ones most
consumed. Pulses are produced in all regions (Figure 52),
but imports are necessary to cover domestic demand. A
large number of actors participate in the marketing chain for
pulses, making this a competitive market. Pulses are also
traded formally and informally with neighboring Dominican
Republic.
7.1. Consumption
Annual consumption of pulses is estimated at 25 kg per
person, on average. Pulses contribute to approximately 10
percent of daily calorie availability and stand among the
largest sources of protein in the local diet (CNSA 2014; FAO
2016). Beans and peas are consumed daily as an
accompaniment to other staples (rice, maize, sorghum,
tubers) all across the country. In fact, the Haitian national
dish is based on rice and beans (International Rescue
Committee et al. 2010; FEWS NET 2017). Groundnuts are consumed as part of dishes or as a snack, or processed into peanut
butter. The demand for pulses has increased at a rate of 7 percent per year since the early 2000s (Van Vliet et al. 2016).
Among beans, black beans are the most consumed and are preferred over other types because of their perceived higher iron
content. Red beans are the second type of beans most consumed. Mottled, pinto, yellow, and white beans are other types
of beans consumed in Haiti. Peas are consumed both green and dry (CNSA and WFP 2011; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul
2013). Nationally produced pulses are preferred over imported ones (International Rescue Committee et al. 2010; Fintrac
2013; FEWS NET 2017).
7.2. Production
Pulses occupy about one-third of cultivated area in Haiti and their production is spread all over the country, particularly in
mountainous areas and in irrigated plains. Beans (black, red, white, yellow, and pinto), peas (pigeon pea, cowpeas, other),
and groundnuts are the main pulses grown, with beans dominating production in terms of area under cultivation
(International Rescue Committee et al. 2010; FEWS NET 2017; Van Vliet et al. 2016).
Beans and peas are grown in association with maize and in low-input production systems. While most production is rainfed,
beans are also cultivated in irrigated fields in intercropping or rotation systems. The timing and frequency of harvests vary by
location, with producers in mountainous areas harvesting up to three times a year and those in the plains only once a year
(winter season) (Table 13). The spring season accounts for about one-half of total production (FAO and WFP 2010; CNSA and
WFP 2011). Yields are on average 600 kg/ha for beans and 800 kg/ha for peas. These levels are low compared with yields in
the Dominican Republic of 1.50-2.28 MT/ha for beans and 2.45 MT/ha for peas (CNSA 2013).
Table 13. Seasonal calendar for beans and peas
Crop Activity Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Beans
Planting
Harvest
Peas
Planting
Harvest
Note: The information displayed refers specifically to black beans and pigeon peas.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 52. Bean and pea production and price maps, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), MARDNR (2017), and
CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
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Artibonite, Centre, Ouest, and Grand’Anse Departments
are the main bean producers, contributing to about 60
percent of total production (MARNDR 2017). Icta, Legeo,
and Vialet are commonly cultivated bean varieties (Van
Vliet et al. 2016). Pea production is larger in Ouest, Nord-
Ouest, Nord, and Artibonite Departments (over 60 percent
of total production), but its production is also important in
border areas with the Dominican Republic (CNSA and WFP
2011; MARNDR 2017). Groundnuts are grown principally in
the drier areas of the country (CNSA and WFP 2011).
In the period 2012–2015, total production of pulses
averaged 150,764 MT/year, but large year-to-year
variations were observed during this period (Figure 53). In
2014 and 2015 total production decreased considerably
with respect to previous years and with respect to 2009
(reference year), when total pulse production reached
268,858 MT (CNSA 2013). Overall, local production is
insufficient to satisfy domestic demand; therefore, imports
are needed to complement the domestic supply.
Bean and pea production is constrained by: the availability
and affordability of quality seeds; lack of access to
irrigation; traditional cropping techniques that include the
low use of inputs (fertilizers and others); incidence of pests
and diseases; and the adverse effect of climatic events such
as droughts, storms, and hurricanes (Fintrac 2013; FEWS
NET 2017; Van Vliet et al. 2016).
Pulses are predominantly imported as dry products.
Between 2011 and 2015, 85 percent of total formal imports
were sourced from two main partners, the Dominican
Republic (46 percent) and the United States (40 percent).
Formal imports were on average 23,575 MT/year
(COMTRADE 2017). Years with lower national production
registered higher import levels (Figure 54). The 2015 ban on imports by land did not affect this commodity. Informal imports
from the Dominican Republic are also common, but remain difficult to quantify.
Besides imports, food assistance contributes to domestic supply. Generally, beans sourced through aid account for
approximately 5–10 percent of total supply. This proportion is variable depending on needs (International Rescue Committee
et al. 2010). The WFP, ACDI/VOCA, Oxfam, and many other smaller organizations (NGOs and faith-based groups) are the main
providers of beans (imported and locally procured) in the framework of food assistance (ACDI/VOCA 2010).
7.3. Structure of the marketing system
The widespread production of beans and peas results in a large number of actors participating in the local pulses marketing
chain across the country, making it a competitive market with no evident barriers to entry (Figure 55). Since beans and peas
are produced mostly in association with maize, the marketing channels of these two commodities involve the same actors at
the different stages of the chain.
Producers sell at the farm gate to local Madame Saras, who purchase small amounts of product depending on their handling
capacity. Given the widespread supply, producers have low bargaining power and are price takers instead. Madame Saras
store, transport, and commercialize (to other traders in the region and final consumers) the beans/peas. Urban Madame
Saras purchase the beans/peas in regional markets and transport them to urban markets where they sell to local retailers
(including supermarkets) and/or final consumers (FEWS NET 2017). Less than 20 percent of farm output is used as seed and/or
kept for own consumption (Fintrac 2013). Transactions typically occur on the spot and are cash-based.
Figure 53. Production of pulses in Haiti, MT, 2012–2015
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013) and MARDNR (2017).
Figure 54. Pulses imports in Haiti, MT, 2011–2015
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
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Prices are established by negotiation between trading
partners. Some farmers and other actors keep stocks for a
short period of time with the objective of accessing higher
prices.
Formal imports enter Haiti predominantly through Port-au-
Prince. Smaller importers operate in Miragoâne, Saint Marc,
and Cap-Haitien (Fintrac 2013; FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
Imported beans arriving in Port-au-Prince are sold by large
commercial importers to large wholesalers (about 50), who
in turn sell to medium-scale wholesalers, and institutional
buyers. Medium-scale wholesalers sell to urban Madame
Saras, supermarkets, hotels and restaurants, and local
retailers. Urban Madame Saras also sell to local retailers
who finally sell to consumers. Imports arriving in other ports
have shorter marketing chains (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and
Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017). Commercial imports are in the
hands of a smaller number of actors who trade many other
commodities besides beans (such as maize and rice).
Imports by religious and development agencies also take
place, but to a lower extent (Fintrac 2013).
Imports from the Dominican Republic (both formal and
informal) are done by regional (border) traders and
Madame Saras who incorporate the products into the
broader marketing system once they enter Haiti. While
Malpasse is the main crossing point in formal cross-border
trade, imports take place in different markets along the
border. In addition, a small amount of informal exports to the Dominican Republic also takes place in these border areas
(Fintrac 2013; FEWS NET 2017). Applied import tariffs during 2016 for dry beans ranged between 5.0–22.5 percent. For peas,
the tariff was 5.0 percent, except for pigeon pea (15.0 percent). A single tariff of 40.0 percent was applied to imports of fresh
beans and peas (WTO 2016). Imports take place throughout the year, but importers adjust their operations according to the
availability and price of locally produced beans at any given point in time.
Figure 56. Marketing of pulses in Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 55. Bean and pea marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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Beans sales are made by the pot (or scoop) and marmite at
the retail level, and in 25-kg or 50-kg bags at the wholesale
level (Figure 56). In urban supermarkets, imported beans
are sold in standard 1-lb packages. Local beans are packed
in bags weighing up to 2 lbs. Generally, beans and peas are
sold differentiated by type and not by brand.
Several other actors participate in the chain, for instance:
input and service providers (including seeds), producer
associations, development organizations with production-
oriented projects, transporters, storage providers, and
institutional buyers (such as the school feeding program,
WFP, and others) (FEWS NET 2017).
7.4. Performance of the marketing system
Black beans are less expensive than other types of beans
(red, yellow, white, mottled, and pinto) and are more widely
consumed (Figure 57). Higher-income groups are the main
source of demand for the more expensive beans (Fintrac
2013). Consumers typically substitute between the different
types of beans (including imported beans) and peas based
on price level (ACDI/VOCA 2010; FEWS NET 2017).
Generally, prices of black beans tend to follow a similar
pattern across markets. Price data for red beans show more
variability in the same markets and slightly higher levels
(Figure 58), as they are most often consumed for special
celebrations (FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
Bean prices vary over the year based on seasonality, scale,
and geography of production. In Port-au-Prince, the lowest
prices occur between July and September, coinciding with
the end of the spring season harvest (Figure 59). Prices are
lower again during February and March, coincident with the
second harvest (FEWS NET et al. 2015; FEWS NET 2017).
Prices of black beans show strong co-movement across
markets, indicating that the bean marketing system is well
integrated. Strong statistically significant correlations
(coefficients over 0.800) of price levels occur among all
markets explored (Table 14). In addition, black beans prices
are integrated to prices in the Dominican Republic, the main
source of imported black beans in Haiti (Annex 3.
Market Integration).
Compared to black beans, red bean prices display a lower
level of co-movement. Moderate to strong statistically
significant correlations are present among the markets
analyzed (Table 15).
Similar to other commodities, the main constraints in the
bean marketing system are: variability of domestic supply in
quantity and quality; inefficient aggregation and distribution processes (too segmented); poor transport and road
infrastructure; poor storage practices and inadequate facilities; difficulty improving quality and distribution processes given
the large number of actors with their own practices; limited access to adequate packaging; lack of capital for key actors to
Figure 57. Retail price of black beans (HTG/lb) in selected
markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 58. Retail price of red beans (HTG/lb) in selected
markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 59. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-
Prince) local black and red beans retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
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expand and improve their operations; the large scale of unreported and undocumented trade; lack of transformation and
value addition; and high tariffs on imports (ACDI/VOCA 2010; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017).
Table 14. Correlation coefficient for local black beans in selected markets
Market
Cap-
Haitien Cayes
Fond-
des-
Nègres Gonaïves Hinche Jacmel Jérémie Ouanaminthe
Port-
au-
Prince
Port-
de-
Paix
Cap-Haitien 1
Cayes 0.769
**
1
Fond-des-
Nègres
0.830
**
0.970
**
1
Gonaïves 0.883
**
0.904
**
0.931
**
1
Hinche 0.847
**
0.821
**
0.880
**
0.935
**
1
Jacmel 0.873
**
0.904
**
0.932
**
0.947
**
0.941
**
1
Jérémie 0.769
**
0.941
**
0.943
**
0.878
**
0.838
**
0.897
**
1
Ouanaminthe 0.891
**
0.865
**
0.914
**
0.966
**
0.961
**
0.948
**
0.859
**
1
Port-au-
Prince
0.869
**
0.915
**
0.925
**
0.962
**
0.912
**
0.952
**
0.888
**
0.934
**
1
Port-de-Paix 0.868
**
0.837
**
0.864
**
0.900
**
0.869
**
0.928
**
0.826
**
0.878
**
0.910
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
Table 15. Correlation coefficient for local red beans in selected markets
Market
Cap-
Haitien Cayes
Fond-
des-
Nègres Gonai-ves Hinche Jacmel Jérémie Ouanaminthe
Port-
au-
Prince
Port-
de-
Paix
Cap-Haitien 1
Cayes 0.538
**
1
Fond-des-
Nègres
0.668
**
0.842
**
1
Gonaïves 0.700
**
0.782
**
0.840
**
1
Hinche 0.504
**
0.720
**
0.808
**
0.776
**
1
Jacmel 0.493
**
0.833
**
0.887
**
0.780
**
0.882
**
1
Jérémie 0.377
**
0.831
**
0.780
**
0.678
**
0.695
**
0.818
**
1
Ouanaminthe 0.428
**
0.582
**
0.635
**
0.803
**
0.703
**
0.625
**
0.602
**
1
Port-au-
Prince
0.644
**
0.641
**
0.758
**
0.859
**
0.721
**
0.731
**
0.638
**
0.804
**
1
Port-de-Paix 0.695
**
0.776
**
0.837
**
0.753
**
0.741
**
0.731
**
0.664
**
0.695
**
0.720
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
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Figure 60. Pulses (beans and peas) production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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8. Bananas (plantains)
Bananas, particularly plantains, are an important food and cash crop. Plantains are consumed in a variety of dishes and also
represent an attractive source of income. Beyond their consumption fresh, bananas are processed into flour and chips. Given
that production and harvesting take place all year long, actors in this chain (particularly traders) tend to specialize in this
commodity. Madame Saras are the key actor in the chain as they act as intermediaries between producers and consumers.
8.1. Consumption
Annual consumption of bananas (including plantains) is estimated at 45 kg per person (CNSA 2013), but in banana-producing
areas this amount can surpass 60 kg (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013). Bananas contribute to approximately 3 percent
of daily calorie availability (FAO 2016). Plantains are the type of banana most widely consumed. Bananas are consumed mostly
in their fresh state as fruit, while plantains are cooked and/or fried and served as a main staple or an accompaniment to other
dishes. Bananas are also processed into flour and chips (“papita”), which are widely consumed as snacks. Banana snacks are
typically (but not only) sold outside schools, hence their demand is associated with the school calendar (Jean-Pierre,
Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; CJ Consultants 2012).
8.2. Production
Bananas (including plantains) occupy about 6 percent of
cultivated area (Van Vliet et al. 2016). They are produced
both in rainfed and irrigated systems, with Nord, Ouest,
Centre, Grand’Anse, and Nord-Ouest Departments
contributing to over 70 percent of total production in the
past years (CNSA 2013; MARNDR 2017) (Figure 61). Three
types of banana are grown: banana plantain (or “miske”),
the most important type of banana; banana “figue” (or
sweet/dessert banana); and banana “poban,” used for flour
production (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
Bananas are grown as monoculture in high-production
areas such as Arcahaie, Léogane, Jean Rabel, Petit Goave,
and Grand Riviere du Nord. In the humid mountainous
areas they are part of agroforestry systems, grown in
association with tubers, coffee, and diverse fruits (FAO and
WFP 2010; CJ Consultants 2012). Planting and harvesting
occur all along the year, but March to May is the main
planting period. Several varieties of plantains are grown,
most notably those known as “miske” (or “musquée”),
“gosbotte,” “mateyen,” “kochon,” “barik,” etc. (CJ
Consultants 2012). About 90 percent of production takes
place on plots smaller than 1 ha (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan,
and Paul 2013).
Yields of plantains vary according to production system and
location of the production area, ranging from about 7
MT/ha in the drier areas up to 18 MT/ha in the irrigated
plains (CJ Consultants 2012). Yields are on average 10
MT/ha (CNSA 2013). In the period 2011–2015, banana
production was variable, ranging from 153,818 MT in 2015
up to 443,128 MT in 2013 (Figure 62). The average annual
banana production over this period was 295,189 MT, or
112,386 MT in cereal equivalent terms.
Overall, Haiti produces sufficient bananas to satisfy most of its food consumption requirements. Approximately 20,000 MT
of bananas are imported every year, particularly from the Dominican Republic (FAO and WFP 2010). Formal exports are
Figure 61. Banana production map, Haïti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), CNSA (2014), and
MARDNR (2017).
Figure 62. Production of bananas in Haiti, MT, 2011–2015
Source: Authors’ calculations based on FAO and WFP (2010), CNSA (2013),
and MARDNR (2017).
FEWS NET HAITI Staple Food Market Fundamentals 2018
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practically nonexistent according to COMTRADE data, but informal imports toward other Caribbean islands have been
documented (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013)
Among the most important constraints to banana production are the large water demands of this crop and its high sensitivity
to pests and diseases, most notably “black sigatoka” fungal disease, which can cause total loss in infested plantations. Other
factors affecting banana productivity are: limited access and affordability of production inputs; lack of access to financing
opportunities; use of traditional cropping practices (in extensive/agroforestry systems) and limited access to technical
assistance; limited access to irrigation and/or inadequate water management; and occurrence of unfavorable climatic factors
(CJ Consultants 2012; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; Van Vliet et al. 2016).
8.3. Structure of the marketing system
The main actors participating in the banana marketing chain
are producers, traders (Madame Saras), retailers, and
processors. Producers sell the product at the farm gate or in
local markets to local Madame Saras and local consumers
(Figure 63). Depending on their trading capacity and on the
type of relationship established with producers, local
Madame Saras buy smaller/larger loads (up to 12 bunches
at a time) and are able support producers’ activities by
providing credits/advances along the growing period and by
guaranteeing the purchase of the production. Local
Madame Saras sell to urban Madame Saras, who have a
larger trading capacity (up to 60 bunches at a time) and
bring the product to the main consumption markets in the
broader Port-au-Prince area, Cap-Haitien, and Gonaïves.
Croix des Bossales market is the main trading point for
bananas in the broader Port-au-Prince area and it serves as
a source of supply for small-scale local traders, retailers, and
large-scale buyers (hotels, restaurants, etc.). Larger-scale
traders rent storage space to keep product in stock for up to
eight days (CJ Consultants 2012; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan,
and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017).
Local Madame Saras in Ouanaminthe (near the Dominican
border) import Dominican bananas by the truckload and
resell to other Madame Saras (mostly urban Madame Saras)
who then incorporate the produce into the broader national
flows. Dominican bananas are often considered of higher
quality (based on their appearance) than Haitian bananas
and are often used for the production of fried banana
(“fritures”) and snacks (“papita”) (CJ Consultants 2012;
Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013).
Given the year-round supply of bananas, the Madame Saras
participating in the marketing system tend to specialize in this commodity, and are the ones who typically set the prices in
their transactions. Trade occurs between parties that have established a trust-based relationship that is maintained over
time. Bananas are traded by the bunch (“regime”) along the chain (Table 16), except at the retail level, where consumers buy
them by the “hand” or by the unit (Figure 64 and Figure 65) Prices are established based on the size and appearance of the
product rather than on weight (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017).
Processing of banana is done at both the small-scale and semi-industrial level. Banana chips (“papita”) and “fritures” are
produced by small-scale processors and sold by street merchants and small restaurants. Banana flour is used predominantly
as infants’ food. Several brands of flour are sold in markets, small shops, and supermarkets (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul
2013).
Figure 63. Banana marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Table 16. Approximate weight of banana bunches
Type of regime Approximate weight (lb)
Small 22 to 33
Medium 34 to 44
Large 45 to 66
Source: Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul (2013).
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Other actors relevant for the functioning of the chain are the
input providers, providers of financial resources (formal and
informal), laborers who support harvesting activities,
transporters, and storage providers (Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan,
and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017). Bananas are transported by
regimes or in bags weighing between 200–400 lbs. A high level of
losses occurs during transport as bananas become damaged due
to improper or lack of adequate packing and handling. Bananas
in regimes fetch higher prices than bananas in bags (CJ
Consultants 2012).
8.4. Performance of the marketing system
Price determination occurs through bargaining among trading
partners, based on subjective evaluation of the size, weight,
origin, and visual appearance of the product. It is not common
practice to weigh the product.
Plantain prices collected by the MARNDR are available at the
wholesale level for the reference market of Croix des Bossales
(Figure 66). Plantain musquée tends to be more expensive than
plantains of the poban type (used for flour). Based on field
observations, increased prices in early 2016 have been attributed
to the residual effects of droughts prior to 2016.
While harvest tends to occur year round, prices in the broader
Port-au-Prince area tend to be lower between June and August
and increase in December/January (Figure 67). The lower prices
faced in June–August are associated with a larger supply and lower demand during school holidays (CJ Consultants 2012).
Figure 66. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of bananas in Croix
des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2016
Figure 67. Seasonal index for plantain musquée wholesale
price in Croix des Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from SIMA (2017). Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from SIMA (2017).
Several constraints hinder the marketing of bananas and plantains, namely: consumer preferences that favor varieties highly
susceptible to black sigatoka; poor postharvest management (damages and losses); lack of suitable packing materials;
perishability of the product (less than 10 days postharvest); limited value-addition activities; limited processing capacity due
to simple and/or outdated equipment; lack of organization among market actors; lack of market information at the producer
level; and limited availability of and access to financing schemes suited to the length of the production cycle (10 months or
more) (CJ Consultants 2012; Jean-Pierre, Kiremidijan, and Paul 2013; FEWS NET 2017).
Figure 64. Banana trade, by bunch
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 65. Banana retail, by hand/unit
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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Figure 68. Banana (plantain) production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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9. Roots and Tubers
Sweet potato, cassava (yucca), and yams are the main roots and tubers produced and consumed in Haiti. Sweet potato is by
far the most produced and consumed. Other tubers grown are potato and taro. The main tubers are produced all over the
country, but Grand’Anse, Nord, and Ouest Departments stand among the main producers (Figure 69). Domestic production
is generally sufficient to cover domestic demand; nonetheless, a minimal amount of imports occurs every year. The tuber
marketing system is competitive, characterized by a large number of actors participating along the marketing chain. Madame
Saras are key actors in the chain as they act as intermediaries between producers and consumers.
9.1. Consumption
Annual average consumption for the main tubers (sweet potato, cassava, and yams) is estimated at 88 kg per person
(approximately 25 kg in cereal equivalent) (CNSA and WFP 2011; CNSA 2013, 2014). Tubers contribute to approximately 12
percent of daily calorie availability (FAO 2016). They are consumed boiled accompanied by different sauces, fried, or cooked
in soups and stews (FEWS NET 2017). Tubers are an important food security crop as they can be harvested practically all year
long and can be used as a substitute for more expensive staples. Yams are usually eaten fresh, and cassava is predominantly
processed into flour or cassava grates, from which bread, “cassava cookies/cake,” and other products are elaborated.
9.2. Production
Tubers are grown all across Haiti and occupy about 13
percent of cultivated area. The environmental
characteristics of the different departments enabled
cultivation of these crops to different degrees, with sweet
potato and yam production mainly concentrated in the
humid mountains, and cassava production in the drier
areas. Nord, Nord-Ouest, Nord-Est, Ouest, Sud-Est, and
Grand’Anse Departments are the main producing areas
(Ducasse 2002; FEWS NET 2017) (Figure 69). Tubers can be
cultivated in monoculture (as in the case of sweet
potatoes), in intercropping with maize and beans, or as part
of agroforestry systems in association with fruit trees,
coffee, and cocoa (Ducasse 2002; Vernier 2005).
The main types of yams cultivated are white yam and yellow
yam, with white yam (varieties Guinée, Adigwé) more
widespread in the southern production areas and yellow
yam (varieties Soussou, Batwel, Bouba) in the north. As
well, two types of cassava roots are cultivated: sweet and
bitter cassava, with sweet cassava more widely produced
(Ducasse 2002; Vernier 2005; MARNDR 2017).
Aggregate production of tubers was variable during the past
years, with a marked downward trend (Figure 70). During
2012–2015, 789,183 MT were produced every year on
average. This amount is 257,136 MT in cereal equivalent
terms, based on a 0.3235 conversion factor as reported in
the literature (Baquedano 2016).
Tubers are produced in all seasons, although the spring
season contributes to about 70 percent of total output
(CNSA 2013, 2014). Planting occurs mostly between
February and April, but the timing of harvest is variable
depending on the crop, the variety grown, and whether
multiple harvests are planned for (Table 17).
Figure 69. Tuber production map, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), CNSA (2014), and
MARDNR (2017).
Figure 70. Production of the main tubers in Haiti, MT, 2012–
2015
Source: Authors’ calculations based on CNSA (2013), CNSA (2014), and
MARDNR (2017).
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Table 17. Seasonal calendar for tubers
Crop Activity Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Cassava
Planting
Harvest
Yam
Planting
Harvest
Potato
Planting
Harvest
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Yields are generally low compared to those reported in neighboring Dominican Republic (Table 18). Among all tubers, yams
register the largest level of output per hectare. Productivity is constrained by: low soil fertility and/or soil degradation; the
incidence of pests and diseases; lack of access to credit, research, and technical innovation, which prevents investment and
modernization of the chain; lack of quality seeds and planting materials (cuttings); use of traditional cropping techniques; and
lack of prioritization of these crops for development of technical improvements (Vernier 2005; FEWS NET 2017).
Local production is sufficient to cover the population’s needs. However, a small amount of imports takes place, in the range
of 5,000 MT/per year (Figure 71). According to COMTRADE data, potatoes represented close to 70 percent of total imports
in the 2011–2015 period. Formal recorded exports were also minimal. According to COMTRADE data, 26 MT were exported,
on average, every year between 2011 and 2015, with the Bahamas, Turks and Caicos Islands, Canada, and the United States
as main trading partners. Previous studies documented small flows of informal exports of yellow yams toward the Bahamas
and Turks and Caicos Islands (Vernier 2005).
9.3. Structure of the marketing system
The widespread production of tubers results in a large
number of actors participating in the tuber marketing chain
across the country, making it a competitive market with no
evident barriers to entry (Figure 72). Producer households
sell the roots directly to consumers in local markets, or sell at
farm gate to local Madame Saras, who purchase small
amounts of roots depending on their capacity to handle the
produce. Generally, producers have low bargaining power
and are price takers instead. The product undergoing
transformation is processed into grates or flour. Local mills
provide milling services in exchange for a fee (FEWS NET and
CNSA 2017).
Local Madame Saras sell in local and regional markets to
different actors such as retailers, consumers, and urban
Madame Saras, who distribute larger quantities to Port-au-
Prince and other regional consumption markets (Figure 76).
Key markets for the flow of tubers are: Jérémie, Fonds-des-
Nègres, Gonaïves, Pont Sondé, Cap-Haitien, Hinche, Jean
Rabel, and Port-au-Prince (FEWS NET 2017).
Overall, the tuber marketing chain is similar to those of other
locally produced commodities such as cereals or beans, but
it does not necessarily involve the same actors. Observations
from the field assessment suggest that traders who typically
handle cereals and beans do not participate in the tuber marketing chain and vice versa. As well, tubers are often traded
together with bananas.
Table 18. Average yield of tubers (MT/ha) in Haiti and
Dominican Republic
Crop Haiti Dominican Republic
Sweet potato 10.2 17.86
Yam 12 14.6
Cassava 7 16.55
Source: CNSA (2013).
Figure 71. Tuber imports in Haiti, MT (cereal equivalent),
2011–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
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9.4. Performance of the marketing system
Price determination for tubers is considered not transparent
and rather subjective, as it is not common practice to weigh
the roots. Tubers are marketed by the bag, bucket, and
basket (Figure 74). At the retail level, roots are most often
sold “by the pile” and the amount and size of tubers
comprising each pile are variable. Tubers and plantains are
often traded together by the same retailer (Figure 75).
Prices collected by the MARNDR are available for the main
tubers at the wholesale level (Figure 73). Among roots, yams
tend to be more expensive and prices of white and yellow
yam (not shown) have similar levels, where comparative data
are available. Sweet potato registers the lowest wholesale
price levels.
The tuber marketing system is constrained by the fresh-
product bulkiness (limiting transport possibilities);
perishability after harvest (high susceptibility to molding);
difficulties with storage; lack of suitable packing options to
reduce product damage and spoilage; low profitability levels;
the undeveloped processing industry; and limited value
addition. In addition, the chain is fragmented in a large
number of actors with a low level of organization and
information (FEWS NET 2017).
Figure 74. Trade of roots and tubers, by bucket Figure 75. Retail of roots and tubers, by pile
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017). Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Figure 72. Tuber marketing channels, Haiti
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 73. Wholesale prices (HTG/lb) of roots and tubers in Croix des
Bossales (Port-au-Prince), Haiti, 2012–2015
Note: Price data series were incomplete between January and August
2012 and after March 2015 for most commodities displayed.
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from SIMA (2017).
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Figure 76. Root and tuber production and trade flow map, Haiti
Note: FEWS NET Production and Trade Flow Maps provide a summary of the geography of marketing systems that are relevant to food security outcomes during an average marketing year or season. The maps
are produced by FEWS NET in collaboration with stakeholders from local government ministries, market information systems, NGOs, and private sector partners, using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data.
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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10. Edible Oil
Edible oil is a key ingredient in the preparation of food at the household level and in the broader food processing sector. The
production of cooking vegetable oil in Haiti is minimal; therefore, domestic requirements are supplied through formal and
informal imports and food aid. Palm oil accounts for about 79 percent of total imports. Malaysia and Indonesia are the main
trading partners for palm oil imports, and the Dominican Republic, the United States, and Argentina for soybean oil. Imported
and local brands of cooking oil are generally available across the country.
10.1. Consumption
Edible oil is widely utilized in Haiti for the preparation of diverse dishes (including fried and deep-fried foods) and snacks, as
well as for food manufacturing in the food processing industry. Due to its relevance to the diet, edible oil is a commodity
included in the CNSA’s food basket. Its annual consumption is estimated at 10 kg/person, on average, and contributes to
about 12 percent of daily calorie availability (FAO 2016).
While palm oil is the most consumed oil, several brands offer different types (and mixes) of cooking oils (Table 19). Ti-Malice,
Mazola, Bongu, and Gourmet are among the most popular brands (Fintrac 2013; FEWS NET and CNSA 2017).
10.2. Production
The domestic supply of edible oil is secured through imports,
as domestic production is almost nonexistent. Imports are
in the form of crude and refined oil, which are further
processed, blended, and bottled under the name of local
brands such as Ti-Malice or Gourmet. In the period 2011–
2015, palm oil imports represented close to 80 percent of
total formal oil imports. Soybean oil was second in
importance, with 13 percent of total formal imports. During
this period, Haiti imported 124,850 MT of edible oils
annually (COMTRADE 2017) (Figure 77).
Malaysia and Indonesia are the main trading partners for
palm oil imports, and the Dominican Republic, the United
States, and Argentina for soybean oil (CFI 2016; Latino and
Musumeci 2016; COMTRADE 2017). It is not possible to
quantify the size of informal oil imports, but a 2016 study
identified refined linseed oil imports as the fourth largest
informal food import originating from the Dominican
Republic, after wheat flour, sauces and seasonings, and
tomato ketchup and other tomato sauces. By 2014, the
estimated value of linseed oil imports was USD 13,217,876
(CFI 2016).
10.3. Structure of the marketing system
Formally imported oil enters predominantly through Port-
au-Prince, but a small amount is imported through other
customs stations, most notably the ones in Malpasse,
Ouanaminthe, and Cap-Haitien (FEWS NET 2017). Importers
such as Carribex, Huileries Haïtiennes S.A. (HUHSA), and
Cristo S.A. import oil that upon arrival is processed (refined
and/or blended), bottled, and marketed under local brands such as Ti-Malice (from Carribex), Gourmet (from HUHSA), and
Bongu (from Cristo S.A.). HUHSA also carries other brands of imported oil such as Crisco and Goya (Huileries Haïtiennes S.A.
2017). These three companies/brands capture over 80 percent of the market and can influence prices (Fintrac 2013).
Branded cooking oil is marketed in a variety of presentations ranging from 18- to 20-liter canisters down to 1-gallon (3.8
Table 19. Examples of cooking oil brands consumed in Haiti
Brand Oil type(s)
Ti-Malice (local) Palm-soybean blend
Gourmet (local)t Blend
Bongu (local) Blend
Alberto Blend
Mazola Corn, canola, soy-canola blend
Crisol Soybean
Crisco Canola, blend, olive
Wesson Canola, blend
HY TOP Corn
Goya Olive
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
Figure 77. Formal edible oil imports, 2011–2015, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on COMTRADE data.
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liters) containers and half-liter bottles (Figure 78).
Unbranded oil (oil rebottled by the retailer prior to sale) can
be contained in smaller-sized bottles (or half-full soda
bottles).
According to DQCSPAP information, Cristo S.A. (also very
active in wheat flour imports), Codigel, Caribbean Grain
Company, S.A., and the Societé Haïtienne de Distribution
(carrying “Crisol” from the Dominican Republic) are among
the largest oil importers in terms of the value of imports
registered at customs in the past years (DQCSPAP 2016).
Overall, oil imports are highly concentrated in a few actors.
Similar to the case of wheat flour (see Chapter 6), this sector
is highly concentrated, as evidenced by the Herfindahl-
Hirschman Index, a situation reinforced by family links in the
sector (Pop 2016). WFP imports oil as part of food aid.
Once the oil is in the country and/or has been processed,
importers/processors send it to distributors located in major
towns across the country who then sell to wholesalers, who
in turn sell to retailers and these, to final consumers. At the
wholesale and retail level, the vegetable oil marketing chain
is competitive, with a large number of actors participating in
trade activities, but prices are established by the larger
traders. Depending on the quality of the business
relationship between the different partners, some actors
may offer credit to their clients (importers to wholesalers,
wholesalers to retailers, retailers to consumers). Vegetable
oil is often traded together with many other commodities
(i.e., wheat, wheat flour) by the same actors. Vegetable oil
flows go in the opposite direction as those of locally
produced commodities, originating mainly in Port-au-Prince
and moving toward the rest of the country (Fintrac 2013;
FEWS NET 2017).
Two distinct tariffs exist for vegetable oil imports. In 2016,
the applied import tariff was 15.0 percent for sunflower,
coconut, and palm kernel oil, and 7.5 percent for other
vegetable oils, including soybean, groundnut, and palm oil
(WTO 2016). Cooking oil is among the 23 commodities
banned from import by land (CFI 2016), but informal imports
from the Dominican Republic still take place (FEWS NET
2017).
10.4. Performance of the marketing system
Vegetable oil prices tend to be stable across the country due
to the stability of imports (Figure 79). Across markets,
Jérémie registers the highest retail price levels in the
country. Prices in Port-au-Prince display lower variation and
are among the lowest in the country.
Across markets, price differentials occur based on perceived
quality and transport costs. Prices also vary by the amount of product purchased and the business relationship existing
between trading partners (FEWS NET 2017). Prices tend to remain stable over the course of the year (Error! Reference source
not found.).
Figure 78. Marketing of edible oil in Haiti
Source: FEWS NET and CNSA (2017).
Figure 79. Retail price of edible oil “Mazola” (HTG/gal) in
selected markets, 2012–2016, Haiti
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
Figure 80. Seasonal index for Croix des Bossales (Port-au-
Prince) edible oil (Mazola) retail price, Haiti, 2012–2016
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET
(2017).
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Prices of cooking oil show a strong correlation between Port-au-Prince and other key markets in the country, indicating a fair
degree of price co-movement across markets (Table 20). Weaker, but still significant, correlations are observed between
other markets and Fonds-des-Nègres, Jérémie, and Cap-Haitien. Overall, prices in Hinche correlate weakly, or not at all, with
prices in other markets, suggesting that other market dynamics might be present in this market.
Table 20. Correlation coefficient for edible oil prices in selected markets
Market Cap-Haitien
Fonds-des-
Nègres Hinche Jérémie
Port-au-
Prince Port-de-Paix
Cap-Haitien 1
Fonds-des-Nègres 0.676
**
1
Hinche 0.229 0.474
**
1
Jérémie 0.765
**
0.842
**
0.455
**
1
Port-au-Prince 0.700
**
0.782
**
0.416
**
0.843
**
1
Port-de-Paix 0.631
**
0.618
**
0.196 0.661
**
0.448
**
1
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017).
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11. Areas of Future Investigation
The following four main lines of investigation could help provide a better basic knowledge of the workings of staple food
markets in Haiti.
• Dietary habits are changing in Haiti as a result of, among others, urbanization, high food prices, and limited purchasing
power. In addition, regional differences in staple food preferences are known anecdotally, but updated information on
this aspect is missing. A subnational characterization of local/regional food preferences, as well as the contribution of
different staples to local diets, would serve to update calculations related to domestic food demand, commodity
balances, and the food sufficiency situation in the country. In addition, a detailed profile of the characteristics and
components of local diets would allow identification of potential macro and micro nutrient imbalances and deficiencies,
information that would in turn help design nutrition education and public health initiatives.
• Informal cross-border trade dynamics with the Dominican Republic are scarcely documented. The commercial linkages
between the countries are broadly recognized and referred to by a diversity of stakeholders. However, attempts to
characterize and quantify these dynamics in a systematic and plausible way have been very limited to date. Given the
relevance of these commercial relationships for Haiti’s food availability, it is important to understand the way trade
between the countries takes place, both by land and by sea, as well as the special market dynamics observed in border
areas.
• Given the relevance of Madame Saras to the functioning of the marketing chain of different staple and nonstaple foods,
it is important to identify specific actions that could help strengthen their operations, for the benefit of consumers
countrywide. Among the main challenges they face are access to finance, problems during transport (insecurity, vehicle
breakdown), and lack of payment from their customers.
• Tubers and plantains are staple foods that are easily available at affordable prices, but their production (and presumably
consumption) declined noticeably over the past years. In a context of high food prices and limited purchasing power,
these two commodities may constitute good alternatives to other staples consumed. It is important to identify the factors
that influence demand for these commodities.
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12. Market Monitoring Plan
FEWS NET regularly monitors staple food and livestock market dynamics in both presence and remote monitoring countries.
It is neither necessary nor possible for FEWS NET to effectively monitor all commodities markets all the time and/or outright.
Thus, its markets and trade team focuses on the monitoring of selected indicators for a given marketing year.
These key indicators refer to market operations and major events liable to affect supply and demand dynamics and price
levels and, thus, price variability on reference markets. FEWS NET also regularly monitors drivers of trade from surplus to
deficit areas. Some of these indicators have upper thresholds, which are used together with other types of data to
indicate/suggest at what point or threshold national or local food availability and/or access should start to raise concerns.
The findings from this monitoring process are regularly presented in FEWS NET’s Price Watch and Price Watch Annex. They
are also used as basic inputs in integrated food security project analysis.
Figure 81. FEWS NET’s approach to market monitoring and analysis
Source: FEWS NET (2014).
A number of actors collect information about agricultural commodities and markets in Haiti (Table 21). At the national
government level, the MARNDR, through the Système d’Information sur les Marchés Agricoles (SIMA), collects daily prices in
35 collection markets spread across the country, for different cereals, pulses, fruits and vegetables, roots and tubers,
seasonings, etc., including local and imported products (SIMA/MARNDR 2017). The Coordination Nationale de la Sécurité
Alimentaire (CNSA) regularly monitors the market conditions of a basic food basket composed of rice, wheat flour, maize,
beans, sugar, and vegetable oil. According to CNSA estimations, these products account for 1,979 calories consumed per
person per day (CNSA 2016).
FEWS NET monitors retail prices for a number of commodities in 10 markets across the country, in collaboration with CNSA.
Other international actors, such as WFP, FAO, and USDA, also monitor agricultural markets in Haiti. More specifically, WFP
monitors prices in 9 markets (one per department) for 10 commodities (black and red beans, maize meal, imported edible
oil, pasta, local and imported rice, sorghum, white sugar, and imported wheat flour). USDA, through the Foreign Agricultural
Service, monitors the evolution of crop production and climatic factors that can affect agricultural output (Foreign Agricultural
Service/USDA 2017). FAO, through the Global Information and Early Warning System (GIEWS), collects price data for four
commodities (different types of beans, local and imported maize meal, local and imported rice, and sorghum) in seven
markets spread across the country (FAO/GIEWS 2017). NGOs such as CRS, CARE, ACF, OXFAM, Concern, and IHSI also monitor
market activity in the framework of their operations in the country.
With respect to imports and exports, the General Customs Administration (under the Ministry of Economy and Finances),
records import and export transactions occurring in the different entry/exit points (cross-border stations, airport, and ports)
(Administration Générale des Douanes 2017).
The information gathered by the different institutions is published with varying frequencies on the different institutions’
websites, as well as in a variety of reports that document the development of the commodity markets (including the evolution
of the growing season) at a given point in time. These reports provide information to decision makers on factors affecting
production and overall domestic food supply prospects. In addition, the National Survey of Agricultural Production (“Enquête
Nationale de la Production Agricole,” ENPA) takes place every year under MARNDR coordination. This survey’s results offer
valuable information for the programming of agriculture- and food security-related initiatives by both national and
international development actors.
Build Markets
and Trade
knowledge base
Establish market
monitoring plan
Monitor and
analyze markets
and prices
Provide timely
inputs to
integrated food
security analysis
and decision
support
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Table 21. Existing food/agricultural market monitoring systems in Haiti
Monitoring
agency/organization
Monitoring
indicators/data
Level Frequency Coverage
MARNDR
Food prices (wholesale) 35 markets Daily National through SIMA
Volume of production Department Annual National
CNSA
Food prices 10 markets Weekly National
Area planted
Volume of production
Department Annual National
Trade flows (between
surplus and deficit
areas)
Markets Monthly National
CNSA in collaboration with
FEWS NET
Food prices 10 markets Weekly National
WFP Food prices 9 markets Monthly National (exc. Nippes)
FAO/GIEWS
Food prices 7 markets Monthly 7 Departments
Area planted
Volume of production
Climate
Department Seasonal National
USDA
Area planted
Volume of production
Climate
Department Seasonal National
General Customs
Administration
(Administration Generale des
Douanes)
Imports and exports
Customs
checkpoints and
plant health
inspection stations
Daily National
Source: Authors’ elaboration based on SIMA/MARNDR (2017); CNSA (2016); WFP (2017); FAO/GIEWS (2017); Foreign Agricultural Service/USDA (2017);
Administration Générale des Douanes (2017).
Despite its many participants and different mechanisms, Haiti’s market monitoring and data collection system suffers from a
number of challenges related to inter-institutional coordination and collaboration, insufficient funding, timeliness of
publications, duplication of effort in some areas of the country and lack of data in others, and methodological differences in
data collection and analysis, all of which hinder comparative work. The generalized publication of price and production data
using a web interface constrains the access to and use of information by those stakeholders (small farmers, small-scale
traders, local authorities) who have limited access to electricity, computer, and internet services. Table 22 presents relevant
aspects that should be made part of monitoring initiatives for key staple food markets in Haiti.
Table 22. Aspects relevant for short- and/or long-term monitoring of key food staples markets
Category Indicator
Macro/economic
Employment and migration
Remittances (size, flow patterns, seasonal trends)
Trade balance
Exchange rate
Inflation
Global commodity prices, particularly United States and Vietnam for rice, Dominican Republic
for maize and wheat flour, United States for wheat grain
Fuel prices
Patterns and size of government revenues from different sources
Performance in other sectors, particularly apparel (main component of exports)
Size of and allocation to agricultural spending in aspects relevant for the production of key
staples
Change in import tariffs/duties and preferential status for exports to the United States
Political stability/instability
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Category Indicator
Domestic food supply
Levels of imports of key products (rice, wheat flour, edible oil)
Spring season (area planted and total harvest)
Other seasons (area planted and total harvest)
Timeliness and sufficiency in the delivery of key production inputs by different stakeholders
Changes in access to credit and financing options to small-scale producers
Changes in land tenure system that can incentivize production and investment
Changes in the patterns of demand from United States (main trading partner)
Environment
Changes in the conditions and coverage of the road network in major market routes
Development of road and other infrastructure in more isolated locations
Rainfall (volume and timing over the year) adequacy for sustaining rainfed agriculture in major
production areas
Climatologic events that may pose risks to domestic production (El Niño, drought,
hurricanes/tropical storms, floods, etc.)
Incidence of pests and diseases
Domestic food demand
Rate of urbanization
Changes in dietary preferences and food consumption habits
Changes in demand from the domestic agroindustry (particularly for sorghum, maize, wheat)
Source: Authors’ elaboration.
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Annex 1. Participants in the Markets and Trade Workshop
Table 23. Participants in the markets and trade workshop
Name Affiliation (at the time of the workshop)
Samuel Beausejour WFP/VAM
Jean Robert Brutus Ministère des Affaires Sociales et du Travail
Elizaire Pouagnel CRS Monitoring, evaluation, and learning
Cèlestin Jean Ony MARNDR, Statistics Department
Lacorne Cileus Producer
Ketlene Durable Retailer
Cameau A. Nozia Nobigabel processing
Honoré de Bazac Nobigabel processing
Yvette Marsan Gerly Distribution
Michel Kenneth Etoile du Nord SA
Jeliel Darius Consultant
Boliscar Woodler MARNDR
Jean Francois Jacob Consultant
Kokou Amouzou FAO
Jean Carrel Norceide WFP/CNSA
Raynold Saint-Val CNSA
Gerry Delphin CNSA
Harmel Cazeau CNSA
Source: FEWS NET (2017).
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Annex 2. Conversion Factors to Cereal Equivalent
Table 24. Conversion factors to maize equivalent
Commodity MET Conversion Factor
Rice (paddy) 1.09
Maize 1
Sorghum 0.94
Wheat 0.93
Dry beans 1.02
Peanuts 1.54
Congo peas 1.02
Potatoes 0.21
Sweet potatoes 0.32
Cassava 0.39
Yams 0.28
Source: Reproduced from Baquedano (2016).
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Annex 3. Market Integration
Introduction
As indicated in Chapter 1, food supply in Haiti is ensured through domestic production and imports from the world market.
While Haiti can be considered as self-sufficient in staples such as maize, sorghum, tubers, and plantains, it is structurally
deficit on rice and pulses. For rice, the main cereal consumed in the country, imports accounted for over 80 percent of total
supply in the 2011–2016 period. About 81 percent of rice imports are sourced from the United States (Section 3.2). Port-au-
Prince and Cap Haitien are the main ports of entry for rice imports (Section 3.3).
Despite the widespread production of beans/peas in the country, Haiti still requires imports to fill about half of the domestic
requirements. Beans (dry) are the most consumed and produced pulses and black beans are the preferred type. Dominican
Republic and the United States are the main trading partners, accounting for 46 percent and 40 percent, respectively of pulses
imports in Haiti between 2011 and 2015 (Sections 7.1 and 7.2). Port-au-Prince is the main port of entry of imported beans.
However, smaller importers operate in other locations (Cap Haitien, Miragoâne, Saint Marc) and along the Dominican
Republic/Haitian border, where unquantified informal imports also take place (Section 7.3).
Methodology and data
Market integration for imported rice and black beans was assessed using a single equation Generalized Error Correction
Model (GECM) as described in Baquedano, Leifert, and Shapouri (2011). Readers should refer to this source for full technical
details and explanations. The analysis follows previous analysis presented for Haiti in Baquedano (2016). Monthly price data
from 2010 to 2017 was incorporated into the analysis. The price series used are presented in Table 25.
Table 25. Data used for market integration analyses
Commodity Data series (monthly)
Rice
• Retail price in Port-au-Prince (HTG/MT)
• Retail price in Cap Haitien (HTG/MT)
• Export rice price in Gulf of Mexico, United States (USD/MT)
Black beans
• Retail price in Port-au-Prince (HTG/MT)
• Retail price in Cap Haitien (HTG/MT)
• Wholesale price in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic (DOP/MT)
• Export rice price in Michigan, United States (USD/MT)
Note: All prices were standardized to the metric ton as unit of measurement, converted to real prices and expressed in natural logarithmic terms for the
analysis. For the Dominican Republic, the data was available for the 2010-2016 period.
The GECM model builds from a basic price transmission model, which is expanded to accommodate differences in currencies
between the trading partners and nonstationarity issues in the series. The model allows the identification of short- and long-
run adjustments of the domestic prices to changes observed in the exchange rate and the world prices. Markets are integrated
when their prices tend to move together in the long run, in spite of short run deviations that may occur.
Results
Figure 82 to Figure 84 show the domestic and world prices of rice and black beans, for Haiti and its main trade partners. Rice
prices in Port-au-Prince and Cap Haitien follow the general trend observed in the United States’ rice export prices. For black
beans, prices in Port-au-Prince follow closely the trend observed in the Dominican Republic, however appear to counter the
behavior of prices in the United States. In Cap Haitien, black bean prices follow less closely prices in Santo Domingo and do
not show either a correspondence with Michigan prices. As shown in Section 7.4, prices in Cap Haitien differ slightly from
prices in other markets in the country, suggesting different price dynamics in this market.
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Figure 82. Rice price in selected markets in Haiti and the United States, 2010 - 2017
Port-au-Prince vs Gulf of Mexico Cap Haitien vs Gulf of Mexico
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017) and FAO (2017).
Figure 83. Black beans price in selected markets in Haiti and the United States, 2010 - 2017
Port-au-Prince vs Santo Domingo Cap Haitien vs Santo Domingo
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017) and EAAPDEA (2017).
Figure 84. Black beans price in selected markets in Haiti and the Dominican Republic, 2010 - 2017
Port-au-Prince vs Michigan Cap Haitien vs Michigan
Source: Authors’ calculations based on data from CNSA and FEWS NET (2017) and USDA (2018).
Based on the previous results, only the Port-au-Prince/Gulf of Mexico rice price series and the Port-au-Prince/Santo Domingo
black beans price series were maintained in further integration analyses.
Stationarity was assessed using the Augmented Dickey-Fuller general least squares (ADF-GLS) and the Philips-Perron tests.
These tests provide information on whether the distribution of series analyzed depends, among others, on time (i.e., the
series are nonstationary). The null hypothesis is that variables have a unit root (are nonstationary). Tests were carried out in
the level variable, and with and without a linear trend. Overall, the null hypothesis could not be rejected.
Next, two GECM equations were estimated. Equation 1 assesses price transmission from world to domestic prices both
expressed in local currency. The equation is built using Port-au-Prince retail prices and border prices (world prices expressed
in local currency), and includes lagged terms of both variables. Equation 2 separates the effects of the exchange rate and
explores transmission of world prices in foreign currency to domestic prices. The equation is built using Port-au-Prince retail
prices, the exchange rate, the world prices expressed in their original (foreign) currency, and lagged terms of these variables.
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The results indicate that prices between Port-au-Prince and the United States (rice) and the Dominican Republic (beans) are
integrated. However, the speed of adjustment of Port-au-Prince prices to their long-term relationship with the border prices
is faster for black beans than for rice. It takes about 2.5 months for black beans retail prices in Port-au-Prince to adjust halfway
to their long-term equilibrium relationship with border prices, after a 1 percent change in border prices. For rice, it takes
about 5 months for retail rice prices in Port-au-Prince to adjust halfway to their long-term equilibrium relationship with border
prices after a 1 percent change on them.
With respect to intra-country dynamics, as Section 3.4 and Section 7.4 showed, rice and black beans prices display a similar
behavior across markets (Figure 25 and Figure 57, respectively).
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