(2019) Standard DRG Country Data Portrait on Haiti
Summary — This report provides an overview of democracy, human rights, and governance (DRG) in Haiti since 1990, using data from the Varieties of Democracy Project (V-Dem) and other sources. It assesses Haiti's progress and challenges in areas such as consensus, inclusion, competition, rule of law, and government effectiveness, comparing its performance to other low-income countries.
Key Findings
- Haiti's deliberation indicators improved in the 1990s but have regressed recently, underperforming compared to peers.
- Women and disadvantaged groups are heavily excluded from political power distribution.
- Haiti performs at or above average among low-income countries on electoral democracy components.
- Rule of law in Haiti has struggled to improve, underperforming compared to peers.
- Haiti has seen little progress in reducing corruption, performing below average among low-income countries.
Full Description
This standard country portrait on Haiti, prepared for USAID, examines key developments in democracy and governance since 1990. It utilizes data from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project, the World Bank, and other publicly available metrics to assess Haiti's progress towards self-reliance. The report analyzes various aspects of DRG, including consensus-building, inclusion of marginalized groups, political competition and accountability, rule of law and human rights, and government responsiveness and effectiveness. It also identifies key actors and institutions driving changes in these areas and explores potential entry points for future DRG strategies and programming, comparing Haiti's performance to other low-income countries.
Full Document Text
Extracted text from the original document for search indexing.
This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by
Laura Maxwell and Valeriya Mechkova, University of Gothenburg, and Brigitte Seim, University of North Carolina-Chapel
Hill, under a subcontract with NORC at the University of Chicago. The authors’ views expressed in this publication do not
necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government.
STANDARD DRG COUNTRY DATA
PORTRAIT ON HAITI
DRG LEARNING, EVALUATION, AND RESEARCH (DRG-LER) ACTIVITY II
Prepared under Contract No.: GS-10F-0033M / 7200AA18M00016, Tasking N009
DRG LEARNING, EVALUATION, AND
RESEARCH (DRG-LER) ACTIVITY II
TASKING N009
STANDARD COUNTRY PORTRAIT
HAITI
(APRIL 2019)
Prepared under Contract No.: GS -10F-0033M/ 7200AA18M00016
Submitted to:
Brandy Witthoft
Prepared by:
Laura Maxwell, University of Gothenburg
Valeriya Mechkova, University of Gothenburg
Brigitte Seim, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Submitted by:
NORC at the University of Chicago
4350 East West Highway, 8th Floor
Bethesda, MD 20814
Attention: Renée Hendley
Tel: 301- 634-9489; E- mail: Hendley-Renee@norc.org
DISCLAIMER The authors’ views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States
Agency for International Development or the United States Government.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... IV
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 3
I. DRG STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK ......................................................... 4
CONSENSUS............................................................................................................................................ 4
INCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................. 6
COMPETITION AND POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY ........................................................... 11
RULE OF LAW AND HUMA N RIGHTS ........................................................................................ 15
GOVERNMENT RESPONSIV ENESS AND EFFECTIVENESS .................................................... 20
II. KEY ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS .......................................................................... 25
III. FINANCING SELF-RELIANCE METRICS ................................................................... 38
DOMESTIC REVENUE MOBILIZATION (DRM) .......................................................................... 38
PUBLIC FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT (PFM) ............................................................................... 40
DOMESTIC ACCOUNTABILITY AND FISCAL TRANSPARENCY ....................................... 41
ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR PRIVATE INVESTMENT .................................................... 43
FULLY FUNCTIONING FINANCIAL MARKETS ......................................................................... 45
IV. POSSIBLE ENTRY POINTS FOR DRG STRATEGY AND PROGRAMMING ... 47
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................... 50
APPENDIX A, VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY (V-DEM) PROJECT ........................... 51
KEY FEATURES OF V- DEM: .............................................................................................................. 51
THE V- DEM DATABASE ..................................................................................................................... 51
THE V- DEM TEAM ............................................................................................................................... 51
METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................................ 52
RESEARCH AND PUBLICATIONS .................................................................................................. 52
V-DEM DEMOCRACY NETWOR K ................................................................................................ 52
FUNDING ............................................................................................................................................... 53
APPENDIX B, INDICATORS AND INDICES FEATURED IN THE REPORT ......... 54
APPENDIX C, REFERENCES .............................................................................................. 55
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Deliberative component index, Trends 1990 – 2017 ................................................................ 5
Figure 2. Deliberative components, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 .......................................... 5
Figure 3. Political power distribution by groups, Trends 1990- 2017 .................................................... 7
Figure 4. Political power distribution, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ...................................... 8
Figure 5. Women’s political empowerment, Trends 1990-2017, Part 1 ................................................ 8
Figure 6. Women’s political empowerment, Trends 1990-2017, Part 1I ............................................... 9
Figure 7. Women’s political empowerment, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ........................ 10
Figure 8. Representation of disadvantaged social groups, Trends 1990-2017 .................................... 11
Figure 9. Electoral democracy index, Trends 1990 – 2017 ..................................................................... 13
Figure 10. Electoral democracy index, Haiti v. Low income countries- 2017 ....................................... 14
Figure 11. Diagonal accountability and its components, Trends 1990- 2017 ......................................... 14
Figure 12. Candidate restrictions and political party linkages. 1990-2017 ............................................. 15
Figure 13. Rule of law and Judiciary independence, Trends 1990 - 2017 ............................................... 17
Figure 14. Rule of law, Trends 1990- 2017 ..................................................................................................... 18
Figure 15. Rule of law, Haiti vs. Low Income countries - 2017 ................................................................ 19
Figure 16. Civil liberties index, Trends 1990 - 2017 ................................................................................... 20
Figure 17. Civil Liberties, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017 ........................................................... 20
Figure 18. Equal distribution of resources, Trends 1990 - 2017 ............................................................. 22
Figure 19. Equal distribution of resources, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017 ............................ 23
Figure 20. Horizontal accountability index, Trend 1990 – 2017 .............................................................. 23
Figure 21. Political corruption index, Trends 1990 - 2017 ........................................................................ 24
Figure 22. Political corruption, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017 ................................................. 24
Figure 23. Commitment to separation of power, Haiti v. Low income countries, 2017 ................... 27
Figure 24. Branches of government, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ......................................... 27
Figure 25. Branches of government, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ......................................... 28
Figure 26. Local and Regional government elected, Trends 1990-2017 ................................................. 30
Figure 27: Commitment to Party System Competition, Trends 1990- 2017 ......................................... 31
Figure 28. Party system institutionalization, Trends 1990-2017 ............................................................... 32
Figure 29. Party system institutionalization, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ............................ 32
Figure 30. Civil Society Capacity and Commitment, Trends 1990-2017 ............................................... 33
Figure 31. Freedom of expression, Trends 1990- 2017 ............................................................................... 34
Figure 32. Freedom of expression, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017 ............................................ 35
Figure 33. State ownership of the economy, Trends 1990- 2017 ............................................................. 36
Figure 34. Autonomy of the state, Trends 1990- 2017 ............................................................................... 37
Figure 35. Sources of Domestic Revenue, Trend 1990- 2017 ................................................................... 39
Figure 36. Value added by Sector, Trend 1990- 2017 .................................................................................. 40
Figure 37. Inflation in Haiti, Trends 1990 - 2018 .......................................................................................... 41
Figure 38. Corruption Perceptions Index, Trends 1998- 2016 .................................................................. 43
Figure 39. Economic Freedom Index, Trends 1990-2017 .......................................................................... 45
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. Commitment and capacity for the key actors and institutions in Haiti............................... 25
Table 2. Goal Indicator: Government Censorship Effort – Media
Relative to Region: World
Contingent on Indicators: Civil Society ...................................................................................... 47
Table 3. Goal Indicator: High Court Independence
Relative to Region: World
Contingent on Indicators: Elections ............................................................................................. 48
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CSO Civil Society Organization
DRG Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance
DRM Domestic revenue mobilization
FH Freedom House
FSR Financial Self Reliance
GDP Gross Domestic Product
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature
JSR Journey to Self-Reliance
PFM Public Financial Management
PPP Purchasing Power Parity
SAF Strategic Assessment Framework
SES Socio-Economic Status
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
V-Dem Varieties of Democracy
WB World Bank
WB WDI World Bank World Development Indicators
WHO World Health Organization
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This paper offers an overview of key developments in democracy and governance in Haiti since 1990,
with a particular emphasis on current levels. We discuss changes over time in Haiti and identify main
features of democracy, human rights and governance that are performing well and need improvement
compared to other countries in the same income class as Haiti, drawing on data from the Varieties of
Democracy Project (V-Dem). This exercise yields several interesting patterns, outlined below based on
the components of the DRG assessment framework.
Main Findings:
•Consensus. While many of Haiti’s indicators of deliberation improved markedly during the 1990s, the
recent regression in the respect for counterarguments and the range of consultation when policy
changes are being considered has ensured that Haiti significantly underperforms compared to the
average among its peers.
•Inclusion. Women, disadvantaged socioeconomic groups, the LGBTQ population, and disadvantaged
social groups are heavily excluded from political power distribution. Although Haiti has quite high
scores for indicators related to women’s rights and freedoms, women remain very underrepresented
in journalism and government.
•Competition and Accountability. Haiti performs approximately at or above the average among other
low income countries on all components of the electoral democracy index, and the country has seen
steady improvement in indicators related to diagonal accountability.
•Rule of Law. Haiti has struggled to improve the strength of its rule of law, and consequently, the
country is underperforming compared to its peers on all components examined, especially within the
area of judicial accountability.
•Government responsiveness and effectiveness. Haiti has seen very little progress in reducing
corruption, and the country is below the average among low income countries on all indicators of
political corruption , and is particularly poor performing in public sector corruption.
•The analysis of commitment and capacity of key actors
1 (e.g., executive, legislature, judiciary political
parties, civil society, and media) shows that Haiti scores medium- to-high on all measures for
commitment. However, the country’s capacity across actors and institutions is mostly at medium and
low levels—only the capacity of the media is evaluated to be high.
Using the “Low Hanging Fruit” tool, we compare democratic development of Haiti to that of other
countries, to identify which are the best points of entry (indicators that should be improved) to reach
the highest score on three chosen indices. To reach the maximum score on the indicator for
government censorship of the media, Haiti should improve the measure related to CSO consultation.
For the measure of high court independence compliance with the judiciary, possible points of entry
1 Country commitment relates to the extent to which a country’s legal framework, policies, and norms enable the country to
solve its own development challenges, while country capacity relates to how far a country has come in its journey to work
across these sectors.
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come from the election survey such as election turnout, free and fair elections, election boycotts,
election vote buying, and EMB autonomy.
Main Findings: Haiti compared to low income countries - 2017
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INTRODUCTION
The goal of the report is to showcase the progress Haiti has made in democratic governance and on its
Journey to Self-Reliance, drawing primarily on data from the Varieties of Democracy Project (V-Dem),
World Bank and other publicly available metrics in order to support USAID strategy and program
development.
2 Present are visual summaries of democratic development and governance outcomes in
total from more than 70 different indicators. Where data is available, line graphs start in1990 and end in
2017.
3
The standard data portrait includes four sections:
• metrics aligned with elements of USAID’s Strategic Assessment Framework (SAF) for the
Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance (DRG) sector;
• key actors and institution that drive changes in the above areas;
• financing self-reliance (FSR) metrics;
• possible entry points for DRG strategy and programming.
We hope that this comprehensive list of indicators will be useful to paint a picture of the past and
current status of democratic development in Haiti, and will serve as useful tool to identify opportunities
and risks for future strategies and plans.
2
The full list of sources, indicators’ questions and responses is (will be) available in the Appendix.
3
Data for 2018 will be available by May 2019.
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I. DRG STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORK
Following are select indicators that respond to each of the five elements of DRG identified by the
Strategic Assessment Framework as foundational to democratic development.
CONSENSUS
The first element of the framework focuses on the extent to which there is basic consensus on
questions of national identity, historical narrative, and fundamental rules of the political game. We use
the following measures to capture this:
• Deliberative component index, which includes the following components:
– Respect counterarguments: when important policy changes are being considered, to what extent
do political elites acknowledge and respect counterarguments?
– Range of consultation: when important policy changes are being considered, how wide is the range
of consultation at elite levels?
– Engaged society: when important policy changes are being considered, how wide and how
independent are public deliberations?
– Media Perspectives: do the major print and broadcast media outlets represent a wide range of
political perspectives?
• Polarization of society and fractionalization of media (available in May).
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Figure 1. Deliberative component index, Trends 1990 – 2017
Haiti’s Deliberative Component Index and its measures of societal engagement and respect for
counterarguments steeply improved in the mid-1990s. After remaining stable at a moderate level for
almost two decades, though, these three indicators all significantly regressed after 2012, as shown in
Figure 1.
Figure 2. Deliberative components, Haiti v. Low income countries
4
- 2017
Figure 2 places Haiti in the context of other low income countries in 2017. The large blue dot
represents Haiti, while the grey dots are all other countries and the vertical dashed line is the mean
4
Low income countries are based on the World Bank income class definitions in 2018.
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value within this income class. Haiti slightly out-performs the average low income class country in
indicators for media perspectives and societal engagement. However, Haiti underperforms the average
on the measurement of reasoned justification by the country’s political elites, and it is even further
below the average on its respect for counterarguments and its range of consultation at elite levels during
policy consideration.
INCLUSION
This chapter focuses on issues related to exclusion and discrimination of specific groups. Are parts of
the population formally or informally excluded and disenfranchised from meaningful political, social, or
economic participation, influence, or leadership? We use the following measures from the V-Dem data
set:
• Equality of political power distribution by group. These four indicators pertain to political equality,
that is, the extent to which members of a polity possess equal political power. It does not refer to
the inevitable differentiation in power that occurs in all large societies between those who hold
positions of power within the state (political elites) and lay citizens. It is, rather, about the
distribution of political power among identifiable groups within the population.
– Gender
– Socioeconomic position
– Social groups. Note: A social group is differentiated within a country by caste, ethnicity, language,
race, region, religion, or some combination thereof. It does not include identities grounded in
sexual orientation or socioeconomic status.
– Sexual orientation
• Female political empowerment, which consists of the following indicators:
– Access to justice for women: do women enjoy equal, secure, and effective access to justice?
– Freedom from slavery for women: are adult women free from servitude and other kinds of forced
labor?
– Women’s civil society participation: do women have the ability to express themselves and to form
and participate in groups?
– Freedom of discussion for women: are women able to openly discuss political issues in private
homes and in public spaces?
– Freedom of movement for women: do women enjoy freedom of movement within the country?
– Women’s property rights: do women enjoy the right to private property?
– Proportion of the legislature that is female
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– Proportion of journalists that are female
– Equality of political power distribution based on gender: (See above)
• What is the level of suffrage practiced?
• Representation of disadvantaged social groups: considering those social groups that are disadvantaged
based on socioeconomic position, how well represented are these groups, as a whole, in the national
legislature?
Figure 3. Political power distribution by groups, Trends 1990-2017
Exclusion can come in many forms, but Figure 3 highlights the ways in which segments of the population
are included or excluded from political power. People from lower socioeconomic backgrounds went
through rapid swings in their inclusion, with this indicator more than recovering from a steep decline in
the early 1990s. Subsequently in the mid-2000s, Haiti began to exclude this group even more severely
than in 1990. Other groups remained consistently excluded during the period, although this is recently
worsening for women and disadvantaged social groups.
Figure 4 displays that power distributed by social group, socio- economic status and gender are currently
below average for Haiti when compared to other low income countries. The indicator for inclusion of
social groups is the furthest below average, although the LGBT community has been the most excluded
in an absolute sense since 1990.
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Figure 4. Political power distribution, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017
Figure 5. Women’s political empowerment, Trends 1990-2 017, Part 1
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Figure 6. Women’s political empowerment, Trends 1990- 2017, Part 1I
Figure 5 and Figure 6 depict, on the whole, little progress across measures of women’s political
empowerment. The only indicators not to suffer at least a slight decline in the last five years are
women’s freedom from slavery and property rights, although even the latter has slightly fallen in the past
year. Notably, the percentage of female legislators has been consistently below 10 percent with few
exceptions, and women’s access to justice is significantly lower than other indicators of female political
freedom.
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Figure 7. Women’s political empowerment, Haiti v. Low income countries -
2017
Comparing the levels of the features of women’s political empowerment index in Haiti with all other
low income countries in 2017 (Figure 7), we see that Haiti is performing above average on more
indicators than not. On property rights, Haiti is the furthest above the average for low income
countries, while the country is below average on the percentage of female journalists, women’s
participation in civil society organizations, and women’s access to justice.
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Figure 8. Representation of disadvantaged social groups, Trends 1990- 2017
Figure 8 shows that there has been no change in the low representation of disadvantaged groups
throughout the period for which data exists.
COMPETITION AND POLI TICAL ACCOUNTABILITY
The third component of the SAF framework focuses on competition in the political system. In particular,
this section describes the quality of elections, and other mechanisms that ensure the government
delivers on its promises. The section also looks at whether there is competition of ideas, a free media,
and a vibrant civil society. In other words, does the state broadly provide for adequate political rights
and civil liberties? Is a healthy set of checks and balances present between branches of government or
between levels of government? To measure these aspects of the political system we use the following
indicators:
• V-Dem electoral democracy index, which consists of the following sub-indicators:
– Free and fair elections: Free and fair connotes an absence of registration fraud, systematic
irregularities, government intimidation of the opposition, vote buying, and election violence.
– Elected officials index: are the chief executive and legislature appointed through popular
elections?
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– Freedom of association: to what extent are parties, including opposition parties, allowed to form
and to participate in elections, and to what extent are civil society organizations able to form and
to operate freely?
– Freedom of expression: to what extent does government respect press and media freedom, the
freedom of ordinary people to discuss political matters at home and in the public sphere, as well
as the freedom of academic and cultural expression?
– Suffrage: what share of adult citizens as defined by statute has the legal right to vote in national
elections?
• Diagonal accountability
Subindicators:
– Core civil society index: to what extent is civil society robust? Understood as a civil society that
enjoys autonomy from the state and in which citizens freely and actively pursue their political and
civic goals, however conceived.
– Freedom of expression: to what extent does government respect press and media freedom, the
freedom of ordinary people to discuss political matters at home and in the public sphere, as well
as the freedom of academic and cultural expression?
• Candidate restrictions: To what extent are candidates restricted to run for office based on ethnicity,
race, religion, or language.
• Party Linkages: Among the major parties, what is the main or most common form of linkage to their
constituents (particularistic vs. programmatic)?
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Figure 9. Electoral democracy index, Trends 1990 – 2017
Based on Figure 9 , there has been slight improvement in the components of electoral democracy during
the period despite many bumps in the road. The elected officials index shows that popular elections
were not used to appoint the chief executive and legislature in the periods of 1990- 1991 and 2004- 2005,
but outside of these brief windows, the indicator has been consistently at 1. Almost all indicators
declined for a few years in the mid- 2000s, associated with a coup that ousted the popularly elected
president until new elections in 2006. However, all indicators (other than suffrage, which has been fully
guaranteed for the entire period) are higher today than they were in 1990.
Compared to other low income countries, Haiti performs quite well. The country is above average on
all indicators except that for free and fair elections, for which Haiti is just slightly below the mean
(Figure 10).
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Figure 10. Electoral democracy index, Haiti v. Low income countries- 2017
Delving deeper into the features of competition and accountability, Figure 11 and Figure 12 demonstrate
Haiti’s gradual improvement. Figure 11 shows that all three indicators suffered a steep decline in the
early 1990s, and the core civil accountability index similarly collapsed about a decade later. However,
each indicator has recovered, rising to about 0.8 or higher. Meanwhile, Figure 12 documents that
candidate restrictions have stayed nonexistent for the entire period. It is a concern, though, that parties
continue to concentrate on providing clientelist gifts to attract support rather than by relying on party
platforms, and the indicator for party linkages has fallen since 2009.
Figure 11. Diagonal accountability and its components, Trends 1990-2017
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Figure 12. Candidate restrictions and political party linkages. 1990-2017
RULE OF LAW AND HUMA N RIGHTS
The fourth section focuses on the broad question whether political, economic, and social life is bound by
a rule of law. Does the government apply the law equitably to all citizens, including historically
marginalized and oppressed groups and individuals? Does it hold itself accountable for adhering to the
rule of law? Does the law incorporate fundamental human rights and civil liberties? Does the
government enforce, protect, and promote those rights? The following indicators are used in the
analysis:
• Rule of law index and the following components
5:
– High court independence: When the high court in the judicial system is ruling in cases that are
salient to the government, does it make decisions that merely reflect government wishes
regardless of its sincere view of the legal record, or does it act independently?
– Lower court independence: When judges not on the high court in the judicial system is ruling in
cases that are salient to the government, does it makes decisions that merely reflect government
wishes regardless of its sincere view of the legal record, or does it act independently?
5
Some components are omitted to reduce repetition of indicators throughout the report
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– Compliance with the judiciary: How often the government complies with important decisions of
any court with which it disagrees
– Compliance with the high court: How often the government complies with important decisions of
the high court with which it disagrees.
– Judicial accountability: When judges are found responsible for serious misconduct, are they
removed from their posts or otherwise disciplined?
– Access to justice for women: Do women enjoy equal, secure, and effective access to justice?
– Access to justice for men: Do men enjoy equal, secure, and effective access to justice?
– Executive respects the constitution: Do members of the executive (the head of state, the head of
government, and cabinet ministers) respect the constitution?
– Impartial public administration: Are public officials rigorous and impartial in the performance of
their duties?
– Transparent laws and enforcement of the law: Are the laws of the land clear, well publicized,
coherent (consistent with each other), relatively stable from year to year, and enforced in a
predictable manner?
• Civil liberties index and its sub-indices:
– Political civil liberties index: To what extent are political liberties respected? Political liberties are
understood as freedom of association and freedom of expression
– Physical violence index: To what extent is physical integrity respected? Physical integrity is
understood as freedom from political killings and torture by the government.
– Private civil liberties index: To what extent are private liberties respe cted? Private liberties are
understood as freedom of movement, freedom of religion, freedom from forced labor, and
property rights.
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Figure 13. Rule of law and Judiciary independence, Trends 1990 - 2017
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Figure 14. Rule of law, Trends 1990- 2017
The state of the rule of law has stagnated of late in Haiti, as shown in Figure 13 and Figure 14. Despite
large improvement during the early 1990s, most indicators in both figures have since been on a trend of
slight regression. In particular, the high court’s independence improved markedly between 1994 and
2003, this reversed in 2004 as a coup took down the country’s government. Although the indicator
recovered partially, this was exceeded by a subsequent decrease. Overall, both figures point to
concerning developments for rule of law in Haiti.
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Figure 15. Rule of law, Haiti vs. Low Income countries - 2017
Figure 15 indicates that indicators for the strength of Haiti’s rule of law are below average across the
board compared to other low income countries. Compliance with the high court is furthest below the
average, while the transparency of laws and enforcement and the impartiality of public administration are
closest to the average.
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Figure 16. Civil liberties index, Trends 1990 - 2017
Figure 16 displays, in general, a slow improvement in civil liberties after a sharp improvement in the mid-
1990s. The physical violence index, civil liberties index, and private civil liberties index all fell during the
mid-2000s, corresponding with Haiti’s political turmoil, but interestingly, political civil liberties rose
during the same time. In the last year, these indicators have all dipped, a worrying trend. Based on their
scores in 2017, Haiti is above average in all three indicators shown in Figure 17, most notably in political
civil liberties and the physical violence index.
Figure 17. Civil Liberties, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017
GOVERNMENT RES PONSIVENESS AND EFFECTIVENESS
The last pillar of the SAF framework focuses on the extent to which public institutions respond to public needs and provide socially acceptable services. Do those services reach all citizens equally or do certain groups or populations face barriers to accessing services? Do mechanisms exist for all citizens to
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provide constructive feedback on government performance? Do robust internal mechanisms exist to
hold government institutions accountable and guard against poor performance, fraud, and waste, as well
as violations of human rights? We provide the following operationalization:
• Equal distribution of resources index
Components:
– Educational equality: To what extent is high quality basic education guaranteed to all, sufficient to
enable them to exercise their basic rights as adult citizens?
– Health equality: To what extent is high quality basic healthcare guaranteed to all, sufficient to
enable them to exercise their basic political rights as adult citizens?
– Encompassingness: Considering the profile of social and infrastructural spending in the national
budget, how "particularistic" or "public goods" are most expenditures?
– Means-tested vs. universalistic: How many welfare programs are means-tested and how many
benefit all (or virtually all) members of the polity?
• Horizontal accountability
Components:
– Executive oversight: If executive branch officials were engaged in unconstitutional, illegal, or
unethical activity, how likely is it that a body other than the legislature, such as a comptroller
general, general prosecutor, or ombudsman, would question or investigate them and issue an
unfavorable decision or report?
– Legislature investigates in practice: If the executive were engaged in unconstitutional, illegal, or
unethical activity, how likely is it that a legislative body (perhaps a whole chamber, perhaps a
committee, whether aligned with government or opposition) would conduct an investigation that
would result in a decision or report that is unfavorable to the executive?
• Clientelism Index: to what extent are politics based on clientelistic relationships?
• Political corruption index
Components:
– Judicial corruption: How often do individuals or businesses make undocumented extra payments
or bribes in order to speed up or delay the process or to obtain a favorable judicial decision?
– Public sector corruption: To what extent do public sector employees grant favors in exchange for
bribes, kickbacks, or other material inducements, and how often do they steal, embezzle, or
misappropriate public funds or other state resources for personal or family use?
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– Executive corruption: How routinely do members of the executive, or their agents grant favors in
exchange for bribes, kickbacks, or other material inducements, and how often do they steal,
embezzle, or misappropriate public funds or other state resources for personal or family use?
– Legislative corruption: Do members of the legislature abuse their position for financial gain?
Figure 18. Equal distribution of resources, Trends 1990 - 2017
Figure 18 displays an interesting divergence recently in Haiti’s welfare program distribution. Programs
have consistently become more encompassing, especially since 2012. All other indicators have remained
mostly flat during the period, followed by a steep decline between 2012 and 2013. Only the equal
distribution of resources index has seen a slight recovery, but every indicator save for encompassing
remains very low. Compared to its peers, Haiti is significantly below average on most indicators, shown
in Figure 19. However, Haiti’s expenditures lean slightly more toward “public goods” than those of
other low income countries.
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Figure 19. Equal distribution of resources, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017
Figure 20. Horizontal accountability index, Trend 1990 – 2017
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Figure 21. Political corruption index, Trends 1990 - 2017
Figure 20 and Figure 21 show some slight progress in executive corruption, executive oversight, and the
ability of the legislature to investigate in practice. Mostly, though, the indicators have remained flat.
Interestingly, horizontal accountability collapsed during the political turmoil of the mid-2000s. It has
since mostly recovered, but the horizontal accountability index has been on a slow downward trajectory
in recent years.
Figure 22. Political corruption, Haiti vs. Low income countries - 2017
Figure 22 indicates that across all divisions of government, Haiti is underperforming in corruption
compared to other low income countries. The country performs best in judicial corruption, both
absolutely and relatively to the average , though it is still below average.
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II. KEY ACTORS AND INSTI TUTIONS
The framework identifies the following key actors and institutions that drive the changes in the
governance areas used in SAF: executive, legislature, judiciary and legal professionals, national human
rights institutions; security services; local governments, political parties and electoral institutions, civil
society, media, key population groups, and international and global actors. Where that was possible, we
have divided the indicators into country commitment and capacity.
More specifically, country commitment relates to the extent to which a country’s legal framework,
policies, actions, behaviors, and informal governance mechanisms—such as cultures and norms—enable
the country to create and strengthen the institutions in order to solve its own development challenges.
Country capacity, on the other hand, relates to how far a country has come in its journey across the
dimensions of political, social and economic development, including the ability to work across these
sectors.
Table 1. Commitment and capacity for the key actors and institutions in Haiti
• The Executive;
– Commitment:
Is the executive elected?
Executive elections multiparty: the elections for the executive allow for meaningful competition
between several parties.
– Capacity:
Executive election free and fair: to what extent are elections for the executive free from
irregularities?
Executive respects constitution: Do members of the executive (the head of state, the head of
government, and cabinet ministers) respect the constitution?
Executive bribes: How routinely do members of the executive (the head of state, the head of
government, and cabinet ministers), or their agents, grant favors in exchange for bribes,
kickbacks, or other material inducements?
ACTORS AND INSTITUTI ONS COMMITMENT CAPACITY
Executive High Low
Legislative High Medium
Judiciary Medium Medium
Media Medium High
Civil Society High Low
Political parties and Electoral Management Body High Low
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Executive embezzlement: How often do members of the executive (the head of state, the head
of government, and cabinet ministers), or their agents, steal, embezzle, or misappropriate
public funds or other state resources for personal or family use?
• The Legislature;
– Commitment:
Is there elected legislature in place?
Legislative elections multiparty: the elections for the executive allow for meaningful
competition between several parties
Legislature controls its own resources
Legislature questions officials by law
Propose legislation by law
– Capacity:
Legislative election free and fair: to what extent are elections for the executive free from
irregularities?
Legislature corruption: do members of the executive abuse their power for financial gains?
Lower chamber legislates in practice: in practice, is the approval of the lower (or unicameral)
chamber of the legislature required to pass legislation
Legislature investigates in practice
• The Judiciary and Legal Professionals;
– Commitment:
Type of courts (see measure from Comparative constitution project, specifying the existence
of different types of courts)
Government attacks on judiciary: Frequency of government attack the judiciary’s integrity
– Capacity:
Judicial reform: Were the judiciary’s formal powers altered this year in ways that affect its
ability to control the arbitrary use of state authority?
Judicial purges: are judges removed from their positions arbitrarily or for political reasons?
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Figure 23. Commitment to separation of power, Haiti v. Low income countries,
2017
Figure 24. Branches of government, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017
Figure 23 shows that Haiti mostly outperforms other low income countries when it comes to its
commitment to separation of powers. Although the indicator of government attacks on the judiciary is
below average, Haiti’s legislature questions officials at a far higher rate than the country’s peers.
However, the indicators in Figure 24 are almost all below average. Haiti’s legislature investigates the
executive at an average rate, but the country underperforms significantly in all other indicators,
especially compliance with rulings of the high court.
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Figure 25. Branches of government, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017
On all indicators in Figure 25 except for the legislature’s ability to pass laws in practice, Haiti is below
average compared to its peer group. While the country is very close to the mean for judicial reform and
the rate of executive bribes, Haiti is far below average on the indicator of judicial purges. In fact, Haiti is
in the bottom four of low income countries regarding its performance on this indicator.
• National Human Rights Institutions;
– Commitment:
Is there freedom of religion?
– Capacity:
Do men enjoy secure and effective access to justice?
Do women enjoy equal, secure, and effective access to justice?
• Security Services (including the Military, Police, and Intelligence Services);
– Commitment:
Is there freedom from torture?
Is there freedom from political killings?
Did the country participate in an international armed conflict?
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Did the country experience an internal armed conflict?
– Capacity:
Do poor people enjoy the same level of civil liberties as rich people do?
Do all social groups, as distinguished by language, ethnicity, religion, race, region, or caste,
enjoy the same level of civil liberties, or are some groups generally in a more favorable
position?
• Local and Regional Government;
– Local government index:
Commitment: Are there elected local governments;
Capacity: to what extent can they operate without interference from unelected bodies at the
local level?
– Regional government index:
Commitment: Are there elected regional governments;
Capacity: to what extent can they operate without interference from unelected bodies at the
local level?
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Figure 26. Local and Regional government elected, Trends 1990- 2017
Figure 26 demonstrates improvements to indicators of Haiti’s commitment to election local and regional
officials and these governments’ ability to act independently of the central government. There has been
little progress since the late 1990s, but both indicators remain quite high.
• Political Parties and Electoral Institutions;
– Commitment:
Party ban
– Capacity:
Party institutionalization index: To what extent are political parties institutionalized? This refers
to various attributes of the political parties in a country, e.g., level and depth of organization,
links to civil society, cadres of party activists, party supporters within the electorate, coherence
of party platforms and ideologies, party-line voting among representatives within the legislature.
○ Party Organization: level and depth of organization
○ Party Linkages: links to civil society (clientelistic or programmatic)
○ Party Branches: local party branches are common
○ Party Platforms: coherence of party platforms and ideologies
○ Legislative Cohesion: party-line voting among representatives within
the legislature.
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EMB autonomy
EMB capacity
Figure 27: Commitment to Party System Competition, Trends 1990-2017
As shown by Figure 27, Haiti’s commitment to robust party competition has stayed strong throughout
the period, augmented by a recent reduction in party bans and barriers.
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Figure 28. Party system institutionalization, Trends 1990-2017
Indicators of party system institutionalization in Figure 28 have fallen in the last five years after decades
of relative stability. While, during the period, local party branches have become more common and
party platforms have become more coherent, all other indicators are worse today than they were 27
years ago. Meanwhile, Figure 29 shows that Haiti performs below average on all indicators, with the
greatest underperformance taking place on coherence of party platforms (in spite of its historical
improvement) and the measure of legislative cohesion.
Figure 29. Party system institutionalization, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017
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• Civil Society;
– Commitment:
CSO participatory environment: to what extent diverse CSOs exist and people participate
actively in them.
CSO entry and exit: To what extent does the government achieve control over entry and exit
by civil society organizations (CSOs) into public life?
CSO repression: does the government attempt to repress civil society organizations?
– Capacity:
CSO consultation: to what extent major civil society organizations (CSOs) are routinely
consulted by policymakers on policies relevant to their members
Figure 30. Civil Society Capacity and Commitment, Trends 1990-2017
Figure 30 illustrates that Haiti’s indicators for civil society participation have been wide- ranging and
inconsistent. The Civil society participation index and the measure of CSO consultation both recovered from sharp drop-offs during the mid-1990s, but only the former is higher in 2017 than it was in 1990.
The CSO participatory environment is also worse in 2017 than in 1990, but the trend since the turn of
the century is one of gradual improvement. However, candidate selection at the national and local levels
has become far less democratic since 2012.
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• Media:
– Commitment:
Harassment of journalists
Government censorship of the media
– Capacity:
Freedom of discussion - men
Freedom of discussion - women
Media self-censorship
Academic and cultural freedom
Print/broadcast media perspectives
Figure 31. Freedom of expression, Trends 1990- 2017
Figure 31 displays that, in the two decades following a steep decline, Haiti’s indicators of freedom of
expression have been on a slow upward trend. Some indicators —especially men’s and women’s freedom
of discussion, government censorship of the media, and harassment of journalists—have struggled to
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maintain progress. And, most indicators have slightly declined in the last year. Nevertheless, Haiti is
performing above average compared to other low income countries on all indicators shown in Figure
32.
Figure 32. Freedom of expression, Haiti v. Low income countries - 2017
• Private Sector Business Interests;
– State ownership of the economy: Does the state own or directly control important sectors of the economy? (0 = state control, 1 = no state control)
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Figure 33. State ownership of the economy, Trends 1990- 2017
Figure 33 shows that the state has continued to reduce its ownership in the economy from an initially
liberal position. However, the last year has seen a reversal of this trend.
• Key Population Groups;
– Capacity:
Election turnout: what percentage (%) of all registered voters cast a vote according to official
results?
What is the level of suffrage practiced?
Is there a national-level gender quota for the lower (or unicameral) chamber of the legislature?
Is there a national-level quota for any social groups in the lower (or unicameral) chamber of
the legislature?
– Commitment:
See indicators from section on Inclusion.
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• International and Global Actors:
– Domestic Autonomy: Is the state autonomous from the control of other states with respect to
the conduct of domestic policy?
– International Autonomy: Is the state autonomous from the control of other states with respect to
the conduct of its foreign policy?
– State authority over territory: Over what percentage of the territory does the state have effective
control?
Figure 34. Autonomy of the state, Trends 1990- 2017
Haiti has struggled to increase its autonomy and authority, as shown by Figure 34. The country’s
domestic autonomy has steadily declined, and its international autonomy collapsed in the mid-2000s
during the country’s political turmoil. While international autonomy quickly recovered, it, too, has been
on a downward trajectory since 2007.
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III. FINANCING SELF- RELIANCE METRICS
Evaluating the financial self -reliance of a country is a key component in the general framework for
journey to self-reliance. Financing Self-Reliance (FSR) refers “to the approaches and interventions that
support a country’s ability to achieve balance between foreign assistance, domestic public resources, and
private capital necessary to move toward determining and financing their own inclusive development.”
FSR consists of five core areas, presented below. In this report we present a list of indicators, which
could be used to operationalize each area, and we illustrate this operationalization with a few graphs.
DOMESTIC REVENUE MOB ILIZATION (DRM)
Domestic revenue mobilization refers to the design, administration, and collection of taxes and other
sources of public revenue.
• Agriculture, forestry, and fishing, value added (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Industry (including construction), value added (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Imports of goods and services (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Services, value added (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Foreign direct investment, net inflows (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Oil rents (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• Total natural resources rents (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
• See Efficiency in the collection of taxes across national territory
http://www.cepii.fr/institutions/EN/ipd.asp (also part of government capacity)
• See General government tax revenues (% of GDP) World Bank (also part of government capacity)
• Tax capacity, tax effort, and tax productivity USAID’s Collecting Taxes database
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Figure 35. Sources of Domestic Revenue, Trend 1990- 2017
Figure 35 indicates that Haiti depends heavily and increasingly on imports of goods and services but very
little on FDI and natural resource rents.
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Figure 36. Value added by Sector, Trend 1990- 2017
As industry has risen as a percentage of GDP, the value added from services has declined (Figure 36) .
Industry now accounts for a majority of Haiti’s GDP, although the rate of change in GDP composition
has started to level off in the past five years.
PUBLIC FINANCIAL MAN AGEMENT (PFM)
PFM activities ensure governments spend and manage their resources in an efficient, transparent, and
effective manner. This includes formulating and executing strategies and budgets, managing procurement
and assets, and monitoring and reporting to oversight institutions and the public-at-large, and building
the capacity to manage public sector debt in a fiscally sustainable manner.
1. See Efficiency of government spending https://www.weforum.org/reports/the-global-
competitiveness-report-2017-2018
2. Central Government Debt, total (% of GDP) (WB WDI)
3. Inflation, consumer prices (WB WDI)
4. Practice: the independence of supreme audit institution is guaranteed (Global Integrity, 2018,
available only for Africa)
5. Size of Government: Expenditures, Taxes and Enterprises (Fraser Institute)
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Figure 37. Inflation in Haiti, Trends 1990 - 2018
Haiti’s level of inflation has mostly been very high since 1990, with two spikes approaching 40 percent
annual inflation. While inflation was more moderate between 2009 and 2014, it is again on the rise
(Figure 37.).
DOMESTIC ACCOUNTABILITY AND FI SCAL TRANSPARENCY
Financing self-reliance requires the political buy- in of a multitude of actors in society. Robust oversight
systems ensure governments are accountable for allocating and spending public funds transparently,
effectively and inclusively. This requires capacity and commitment of government oversight agencies in
the executive, legislature and judiciary. It also requires that sub-national governments and non-
governmental stakeholders (including civil society, the private sector, faith-based organizations, and the
media) have the ability and opportunity to participate in the policy and budget process, have access to
information concerning public expenditures, and freedom of expression and association to hold
government accountable for the use of public resources.
• Accountability. (Global Integrity, 2018, available only for Africa) This sub index from 0 to 100 is
composed of:
– In law, the independence of the judiciary is guaranteed.
– In practice, the independence of the judiciary is guaranteed.
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– In practice, national- level judges appointments (justices or magistrates) support the independence
of the judiciary.
– In practice, national- level judges give reasons for their decisions/judgments.
– In law, there is a supreme audit institution.
– In law, the independence of the supreme audit institution is guaranteed.
– In practice, the independence of the supreme audit institution is guaranteed.
– In practice, appointments to the supreme audit institution support the independence of the
agency.
– In practice, the supreme audit agency releases frequent reports that are accessible to citizens.
• See Open budget index from International Budget Partnership and Public participation in the budget
process from Open budget survey https://www.internationalbudget.org/open-budget-survey/open-
budget-index-rankings/
• See Freedom on the net (FH)
• See vertical, horizontal and diagonal accountability
• Transparency International Corruption Perception Index
• See Global Open Data Index – Open Knowledge International
• https://index.okfn.org/place/
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Figure 38. Corruption Perceptions Index, Trends 1998-2016
Figure 38 shows t hat the perception of corruption Haiti has remained consistently concerning
throughout the period.
ENABLING ENVIRONMENT FOR PRIVATE INVESTME NT
Private sector investment can be a primary driver of countries’ economic and social development, but
this requires that countries create a rules-based, predictable, transparent, non-discriminatory and open
enabling environment conducive to such investment, including secure property/ownership rights, strong
rule of law and enforcement of contracts, transparency, inclusive competition policies, efficient public-
private partnership (PPP) systems
6 and institutions, robust anti- corruption enforcement, and reasonable
risk mitigation. Trade policies and agreements that set rules for modern customs and border
management and allow the private sector to participate in international commerce and foreign direct
investment are also an important contributor to inclusive and sustainable economic development.
6
As defined by the World Bank, Public Private Partnerships are “long -term contract[s] between a private party and a
government entity, for providing a public asset or service, in which the private party bears significant risk and management
responsibility, and remuneration is linked to performance.”
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• See rule of law index, political corruption index and civil liberties index
• The Economic Freedom index uses 10 specific freedoms, some as composites of even further
detailed and quantifiable components:
– Business freedom
– Trade freedom
– Fiscal freedom
– Freedom from government
– Monetary freedom
– Investment freedom
– Financial freedom
– Property rights
– Freedom from corruption
– Labor freedom
• See Regulatory Quality - Captures perceptions of the ability of the government to formulate and
implement sound policies and regulations that permit and promote private sector development.
(WB)
• Trade (% of GDP) (WB)
• Legal Structure and Security of Property Rights (current) (Fraser Institute)
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Figure 39. Economic Freedom Index, Trends 1990-2017
Most indicators shown in Figure 39 have slightly improved during the period. Investment freedom has
increased by about 0.3 units, but it is still the lowest of all the indicators measured in the figure. Business
freedom, trade freedom, and the economic freedom index all increased as well. However, monetary
freedom has made little progress, and freedom form the government has fallen overall despite a recent
trend of improvement.
FULLY FUNCTIONING FI NANCIAL MARKETS
• Liquid, diverse, transparent and well-regulated local financial markets provide the critical function of
pooling savings in the form of capital, and allocating that capital in the form of financing to productive
investment across all sectors of the economy, including health, education, infrastructure, agriculture
and housing. Free and fair local financial markets require appropriate financial sector regulation and
oversight, empowered oversight institutions, strong financial institutions and intermediaries, well-
developed financial market infrastructure and supporting systems (e.g., settlement systems, credit
bureaus, rating agencies, securities exchanges, etc.), and effective risk mitigation tools and other
financial instruments.
• Government expenditure on education, total (% of GDP) (WB)
• Government expenditure on health, total (% of GDP) (WB)
• IMF Financial System Stability Assessment (FSSA) and Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP)
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• Fraser Institute Economic Freedom of the World Dataset:
– Regulation of Credit, Labor and Business
– Access to Sound Money
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IV. POSSIBLE ENTRY POINTS FOR DRG STRATEGY A ND
PROGRAMMING
In the next tables we use the “Low Hanging Fruit” tool,
7 which allows you to determine which are the
best individual components to target for the improvement of one specific indicator. In the following
three tables we compare Haiti to the developments worldwide. We have selected the following three
goal indicators: the V- Dem c lean elections index, w omen civil liberties index, and legislature investigates
executive in practice. The comparison categories are as follows: all the questions from the V-Dem Civil
Society survey for the first goal indicator, and all the questions from the Civil Liberties survey for the
second goal indicator. The tables list what the minimum value required in each comparison category is
to achieve the maximum value of the goal indicator worldwide. The third column will list the current
value for Haiti in that indicator. The fourth column highlights “low hanging fruit” by putting a gold star
next to indicators that Haiti is only 1 value away from meeting. Checkmarks appear next on the list,
which are ones that Haiti has already met. Then black x's next to ones that Haiti hasn't met, and is more
than one value away from.
The first table in this section compares Haiti to the world, and shows which the contingent indicators
are among the Civil Society survey in order to achieve the highest score on the g overnment censorship
effort – media indicator. The only “low hanging fruit” is CSO consultation—Haiti has reached the
minimum threshold for all other indicators.
Table 2. Goal Indicator: Government Censorship Effort – Media
Relative to Region: World
Contingent on Indicators: Civil Society
7 https://www.v-dem.net/en/analysis/lowhangingfruit/
INDICATOR MIN VALUE
CURRENT VALUE IN
HAITI
STATUS
CSO repression 3 3 ☑
Religious organization repression 3 4 ☑
CSO entry and exit 3 4 ☑
CSO consultation 2 1 ★
Religious organization consultation 1 2 ☑
CSO womens participation 3 3 ☑
CSO anti-system movements 0 2 ☑
CSO participatory environment 2 2 ☑
Core Civil Society Index 3 3 ☑
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In the last table of this section we have chosen high court independence as a target indicator . The
relative region here is the world, and the Elections survey is the comparison category.
8 Haiti has already
achieved the minimum threshold on most components of this indicator. However, the “ low hanging
fruit” indicators that still need to be improved to reach the highest score on the target indicator are
election turnout, election free and fair, election boycotts, election vote buying, and EMB autonomy.
Table 3. Goal Indicator: High Court Independence
Relative to Region: World
Contingent on Indicators: Elections
8 We originally wanted to examine Compliance with the Judiciary because we know that some USAID programming has
surrounded access to justice in Haiti. However, there are fewer coders for Haiti in this area, preventing the use of the Low
Hanging Fruit tool to evaluate Compliance with the Judiciary. As a result, we're using “High Court Independence,” a related
concept, instead.
INDICATOR MIN
VALUE
CURRENT
VALUE IN HAITI
STATUS
Election turnout 2 1 ★
Election free and fair 3 2 ★
Election boycotts 4 3 ★
Election vote buying 1 0 ★
EMB autonomy 3 2 ★
Election VAP turnout 0 0 ☑
Legislative or constituent assembly election 0 0 ☑
Election paid campaign advertisements 0 2 ☑
Lower chamber election seat share won by largest party 1 1 ☑
Minimum voting age 2 2 ☑
Elections multiparty 4 4 ☑
Election assume office 4 4 ☑
Election free campaign media 0 1 ☑
Presidential election 0 0 ☑
Election voter registry 3 3 ☑
Election paid interest group media 0 2 ☑
Lower chamber election seat share won by second largest
party
1 1 ☑
Regional offices relative power 2 2 ☑
Public campaign finance 0 1 ☑
Disclosure of campaign donations 0 1 ☑
Percent of population with suffrage 2 4 ☑
Local government index 3 3 ☑
Regional government index 0 1 ☑
Local offices relative power 3 3 ☑
Suffrage level 2 3 ☑
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Hereditary dimension index 0 0 ☑
Military dimension index 0 0 ☑
Ruling party dimension index 0 1 ☑
Direct election dimension index 0 2 ☑
Confidence dimension index 0 2 ☑
Local government elected 2 4 ☑
Local government exists 4 4 ☑
Regional government exists 0 4 ☑
Election government intimidation 4 2 ☒
Election other electoral violence 4 2 ☒
Election losers accept results 4 1 ☒
Election other voting irregularities 3 1 ☒
EMB capacity 3 0 ☒
Clean elections index 3 1 ☒
Subnational elections free and fair 4 ☒
Subnational election unevenness 4 ☒
Regional government elected 2 0 ☒
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CONCLUSION
In conclusion, we contextualize the findings we present above by discussing the broader implications of
the findings of this report. We selected more than 70 indicators of democracy, governance, and human
rights, and considered how Haiti has fared on these indicators from 1990- 2017 as well as how it stacks
up to other low income countries in 2017. The findings present a clear picture of areas of democracy
that merit further consideration beyond the scope of this report, either because of significant
advancement or because of potential for improvement.
Out of the areas we considered, Haiti’s levels of civil liberties have shown strong improvement.
Following restrictions on political and private civil liberties and an increased vulnerability to physical
violence during the 1990s, these indicators rose substantially throughout the period. A recent reversal
of this trend is concerning, but civil liberties have recovered from brief downturns before in Haiti. All
indicators of the country’s civil liberties still outperform the average among low income peers. Sustaining
this progress will no doubt be an important goal for Haiti as the country moves forward.
However, there are still components in the DRG and FSR agenda that are worth considering for future
programming. Although diagonal accountability, the core civil society index, and the civil society
participation index have all improved greatly during the period, the level of CSO consolation remains
noticeably low and an area of potential growth according to the low hanging fruit tool in section four of
this report. Other broad areas in which Haiti has room to improve are the rule of law and corruption.
Components of these areas have stagnated after some improvements during the 1990s, and most
remain low relative to the average for other low income countries. While many of the indicators for
strength of the rule of law are on a slow trend of decline, this means they were once higher. Returning
to—and eventually exceeding—their previous levels will be a major challenge for continuing Haiti’s
development.
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APPENDIX A, VARIETIES OF DEMOCRACY (V -DEM) PROJECT
KEY FEATURES OF V -DEM:
• One of the largest social science databases, with 450 indicators on democracy and political systems;
• World-wide coverage from 1789 to the present;
• Transparent and reliable indicators based on the knowledge of 3,000 international experts;
• Free and easy online access;
• An independent Institute producing high- quality research on democracy and policy outreach.
Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) is a new approach to conceptualizing and measuring democracy. We
adopt a multidimensional and disaggregated approach acknowledging the complexity of the concept of
democracy as a system of rule that goes beyond the simple presence of elections. The V-Dem
distinguishes between seven high- level principles of democracy: electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative,
egalitarian, majoritarian and consensual, and collects data to measure these principles.
THE V-DEM DATABASE
V-Dem is one of the largest- ever social science data collection efforts with a database containing over 19
million data points. In 2016, V-Dem received the most prestigious award for comparative datasets in
political science: the Lijphart/Przeworski/Verba Best Dataset Award presented by the American Political
Science Association, Comparative Politics Section.
With the 8th version of the data released in April 2018, the dataset now covers 201 countries from
1789 to 2017. For the very first time, data from ‘Historical V-Dem’ is now integrated into the data –
extending the coverage to 228 years of political development (from 1789 to 2017). Out to the total 450
indicators, 260 indicators across 91 countries are included in the historical data. The V-Dem dataset is
available for download, free of charge. Users are also able to explore the V-Dem data through online
analysis tools with which they can create and save their own graphs.
In addition to its more than 400 indicators, V- Dem aggregates indicators into mid- and high-level indices
designed to measure important dimensions of democracy. High-level indices measure the major types of
democracy and mid-level indices capture concepts such as clean elections, women’s political empowerment,
and civil society participation. The database enables highly detailed analysis of virtually all aspects of a
country’s political system as well as comparisons of countries on the aggregate level. Governments,
development agencies, and NGOs can thus benefit from the nuanced comparative and historical data
when researching critical decisions such as selecting country program priorities, informing program
design, and monitoring the impact of their programs.
THE V-DEM TEAM
The V- Dem project is a truly collaborative international effort that unites thousands of social scientists
working in the spheres of democracy and governance. The V- Dem project has recruited approximately
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3,000 local and cross-national experts from over 170 countries to provide their knowledge on various
indicators of democracy. The project is managed by leading scholars in the study of democracy: four
Principal Investigators, four Program Managers, fifteen Project Managers with topical expertise, more
than thirty Regional Managers, almost 170 Country Coordinators, and several Assistant Researchers.
METHODOLOGY
V-Dem draws on theoretical and methodological expertise from its worldwide team to produce data in
the most objective and reliable way possible. App roximately half of the indicators in the V- Dem dataset
are based on factual information obtainable from official documents such as constitutions and
government records. The other half consists of more subjective assessments on topics like democratic
and governing practices and compliance with de jure rules. On such issues, typically five experts provide
ratings.
V-Dem works closely with leading social science research methodologists and has developed a state of
the art measurement model that, to the extent possible, minimizes coder error and addresses issues of
comparability across countries and over time using Bayesian latent variable models. V-Dem is continually
experimenting with new techniques and soliciting feedback from experts throughout the field. In this
sense, V-Dem is at the cutting edge of developing new and improved methods to increase both
reliability and comparability of expert survey data.
9 V-Dem also draws on the team’s academic expertise
to develop theoretically informed techniques for aggregating indicators into mid- and high-level indices.
10
The indices not only allow us to revisit familiar research questions but also open up new lines of inquiry
about the types of democracy and democratic trajectories throughout the world.
RESEARCH AND PUBL ICATIONS
One of V- Dem’s core activities is producing high-quality research that provides insights on crucial
questions such as the relationship between democracy and development, the conditions that make
democracies endure, and the dynamics surrounding women’s political empowerment. As of May 2018,
66 Working Papers have been published on the V-Dem website covering a wide range of topics.
In addition to article-length working papers, V-Dem regularly produces a range of publications
targeting a wider audience. The V- Dem Country Briefs outline the most important democracy
development trends in a specific country. The Policy Briefs summarize key policy-relevant findings
on particular topics such as how to measure accountability and the role of a strong legislature in
curbing executive corruption.
V-DEM DEMOCRACY NETWOR K
As part of its policy outreach program, V-Dem is cooperating with a number of international
organizations that work in the sphere of democracy and development, thus creating a network of
democracy experts both from academia and the policy world. We have published and contributed to a
number of publications, organized and participated in conferences, workshops, and capacity-building
9 For more details see Pemstein et al (2018).
10 See Coppedge et al (2018).
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trainings. Some of these collaborations include USAID, International IDEA, World Bank, European
Commission.
Each May, V-Dem organizes a policy dialogue conference to enhance the cooperation between
researchers and democracy practitioners. The conference features not only V-Dem researchers, but
also counts among its speakers leading experts on democratization, democracy, good government and
corruption from over 50 organizations.
FUNDING
V-Dem has been or is currently funded by: Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, Knut & Alice Wallenberg
Foundation, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs-Sweden, the Swedish Research Council, the European
Commission/EuroAID, Marianne & Marcus Wallenberg Foundation, International IDEA, the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs-Denmark, the Danish Research Council, the Canadian International Development
Agency, NORAD/the Norwegian Research Council, Aarhus University, Fundação Francisco Manuel dos
Santos, Mo Ibrahim Foundation, Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation and the Quality of Government
Institute, with co-funding from University of Gothenburg and University of Notre Dame.
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APPENDIX B, INDICATORS AND INDICES FEATURED IN THE
REPORT
To ensure full transparency, this appendix provides detailed aggregation information for each index and
indicator referenced in this analysis. For each index, we list each indicator that makes up that index, as
well as the question text and answer categories that correspond to these indicators. When an index is
an aggregation of other indices, the component indicators of the sub-indices are listed alongside their
question texts and answer categories.
INDICATORS
INCLUDED IN
FIGURE 1
QUESTION TEXT ANSWER CATEGORIES
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APPENDIX C, REFERENCES