Gender Survey: CARE Haiti Health Sector, Life-Saving Interventions for Women and Girls in Léogâne and Carrefour

Report Gender Survey CARE HAITI HEALTH SECTOR Life Saving Interventions for Women and Girl in Haiti Conducted in Communes of Leogane and Carrefour, Haiti 22nd August 2013 Submitted by Timothy T Schwartz Survey Teams Getting Ready to go to Work in Carrefour  Acknowledgements This report was enriched by guidance from CARE staff Geneviève Blaise, Lindsay Carter, and Gladys Mayard, as well as CARE consultant Beverly Stauffer. Any opinions or construed bias are to be attributed to the author. The questionnaire was refined, the work supervised and the actual surveys conducted by a team of 2 consultant-supervisors, 14 consultant-enumerators and a data monitor and accountant. Data monitor and accountant • Stephanie Pierre Consultant-supervisors • Emile Pharrel • Guy Pavilus Consultant-enumerators • Previlon Renaud • Intervol Jude • Janvier Judithe • Lacombe Dieula • Vilfort Judith • Joseph Ricardo • Simon Joana • Fils Sonia • Ambeau Egain • Prophete Sylvestre • Sylvain Marcos • Emile Marckenson • Vilfort Sabine • Remy Odile  ACRONYMS CARE Cooperative Agreement for Relief Everywhere DHS Demographic & Health Surveys Enquête Mortalité, Morbidité, Utilisation des EMMUS Services [Mortality, Morbidity, Use of Services]. FP Family Planning GBV Gender Based Violence MSF Médecins Sans Frontières NGO Non Governmental Organization United States Agency to International USAID Development  Contents Summary of Important Findings ..................................................................................................... 1 1. Overview ................................................................................................................................. 2 2. Review of the Literature ......................................................................................................... 4 3. Questionnaire ........................................................................................................................ 10 Training and pretests ................................................................................................................. 11 Ethical Review .......................................................................................................................... 11 4. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... 12 Clusters, Selection, and number of respondents ....................................................................... 12 Respondents per Residence, Absenteeism and Replacement ................................................... 13 Date and duration of survey ...................................................................................................... 13 Team Structure and logistics ..................................................................................................... 13 Interviews and data monitoring ................................................................................................ 13 Equipment and software ........................................................................................................... 14 Sample Stratification ................................................................................................................. 14 5. Respondent Profiles: Origin, Urban vs Rural, Work and Education ................................... 15 6. The Household ...................................................................................................................... 19 Defining Household Heads ....................................................................................................... 19 Urban vs. Rural Household Dimension ................................................................................ 20 Household Headship and Material Status Indicators ................................................................ 21 Headship and Economic Contributions .................................................................................... 24 Differential Impact of Women vs. Men Being in Control of Household Resources ................ 27 Household Expenditures on Food ......................................................................................... 27 Male vs. Female Control Over the Household Budget ......................................................... 29 Female Control of the Budget and Household Expenditures on Food ................................. 30 Chores ....................................................................................................................................... 31 Female Economic Contributions and Male Participation in Domestic Chores .................... 32 Male Control Over Women ...................................................................................................... 33 Violation of Female Property and Ownership ......................................................................... 36 Female Dependency on Men .................................................................................................... 36 Who Works the Hardest ............................................................................................................ 38 i  Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 40 7. Gender and Violence............................................................................................................. 41 Respondent Views on Gender and Cause of Domestic Violence ............................................. 42 Frequency of Violence and Protagonist .................................................................................... 42 Identity and Sex of Aggressors ................................................................................................. 43 Spousal Abuse/Violence Against of Respondent .................................................................... 44 Male Spouse Violence Against Female Respondent by Female Household Financial Contributions............................................................................................................................. 44 Spousal Violence (Against Respondent) and Degree of Urbanization ..................................... 45 Domestic Violence Against the Respondent vs. Socio-Economic Status................................. 45 Reasons for Violence Against Respondent ............................................................................... 47 Respondent Violence Against Others ....................................................................................... 48 Rape .......................................................................................................................................... 49 Back Ground of the Rape Epidemic ..................................................................................... 49 Estimating the Number of People Raped .............................................................................. 49 Estimating the Actual Numbers of People Raped: "Scaling-Up" ........................................ 51 Network Size......................................................................................................................... 52 Respondents View on Changing Incidence of Rape ............................................................. 54 Expected Community Reactions to Rape ............................................................................. 54 Security ................................................................................................................................. 55 Security and Laws ................................................................................................................. 56 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 58 8. Family, Partners, Children, and Sex ..................................................................................... 59 Opinions on who is more in Need of Sex ................................................................................. 59 Appropriate Age at onset of Sexual Activity ............................................................................ 59 Teen Pregnancy......................................................................................................................... 60 Teen Pregnancy in Leogane and Carrefour Sample vs. in the United States ....................... 60 Childbirth & Conjugal Union ................................................................................................... 61 Pro-Natalism: Children and Fertility ........................................................................................ 62 Preference for Boys vs. Girls .................................................................................................... 63 Abortion and Contraceptives .................................................................................................... 65 Contraceptives........................................................................................................................... 67 9. Family Support...................................................................................................................... 68 ii  Quality of Family Relationships and Support ........................................................................... 68 Opinions on Quality of Relationships to Partner and Children ............................................ 68 Who Respondents turn to for Material Support .................................................................... 69 Who Respondents turn to for Moral Support/Advice ........................................................... 70 10. NGOs, Hospitals, and Clinics ............................................................................................ 71 Membership in Organizations ................................................................................................... 71 NGO and State Sponsored Seminars since the Earthquake ...................................................... 72 Illness and Use of Hospitals, Clinics, and Doctors ................................................................... 73 Pre-Natal, Birth and Use of Services ........................................................................................ 76 Post-Natal Care and Use of Services ........................................................................................ 78 11. Conclusion and Recommendations .................................................................................... 80 Mobilize .................................................................................................................................... 80 SEED-SCALE........................................................................................................................... 80 Identify credible partners .......................................................................................................... 81 Combat Misinformation:........................................................................................................... 81 Young Males ............................................................................................................................. 82 12. Notes .................................................................................................................................. 84 13. Annex: Questionnaire ........................................................................................................ 90 Questionnaire English ........................................................................................................ 90 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 90 WORKS CITED ......................................................................................................................... 100 List of Tables Table 4.1: Target Sample Size and Stratification.................................................. 12 Table 4.2: Age Groups for Actual Sample Taken................................................. 13 Table 5.1: Department of Origin........................................................................... 15 Table 5.2: Skills of Respondents........................................................................... 18 Table 6.1: Residents per Gender Household Headship Type................................ 19 Table 6.2: Population Household.......................................................................... 20 Table 6.3: Roof...................................................................................................... 21 Table 6.4: Latrine.................................................................................................. 22 Table 6.5: Water Source........................................................................................ 22 Table 6.6: Potable Water....................................................................................... 22 iii Table 6.7: Cooking Fuel........................................................................................ 23 Table 6.8: Energy.................................................................................................. 23 Table 6.9: Monthly Educational Expenditure for Oldest Child........................... 23 Table 6.10: Average Cost of Rent (USD) ............................................................ 23 Table 6.11: Home Ownership............................................................................... 24 Table 6.12: Source of 1st and 2nd Contributor Income by Sex of Contributor... 26 Table 6.13: Sources of Income First and Second Income Provides .................... 26 Table 6.14: Sex of First and Second Income Providers by Sex of Respondent Identified Household Head................................................................................. 27 Table 6.15: Who is the Primary Performer of Household Tasks by Sex and Age..................................................................................................................... 31 Table 6.16: Who Has Final Say............................................................................. 33 Table 6.17: Needs to Ask Permission to Visit Faraway by Sex............................ 35 Table 6.18: Needs to Ask Permission to Join Organization by Sex...................... 35 Table 6.19: Who asks permission of Who ........................................................... 35 Table 6.20: Respondents who report that Someone Took Something from them Since Earthquake............................................................................................... 36 Table 6.21: Respondents Who Can Live Without Spouse by Location............. 38 Table 6.22: Reasons Respondents can Live Without Spouse ............................. 38 Table 6.23: Who Respondents Say Works Hardest.............................................. 39 Table 7.1: Last Time Beaten by Sex of Respondent............................................. 42 Table 7.2: Person Who Beat Respondent the Last Time He/ She was Beaten.... 43 Table 7.3: Person who Beat Respondent: Adults Last Three Year Only............ 44 Table 7.4: Why Beaten for All Cases.................................................................... 47 Table 7.5: Why Beaten for Adults or Within Past 3 Years Only.......................... 47 Table 7.6: If Respondent Believes Beating Was Deserved.................................. 47 Table 7.7: of If Respondent Believes it Was Deserved for Adults or Within Past 3 Years Only.............................................................................................. 48 Table 7.8: Aggression Against Others by Sex 48 Table 7.9: Identity of People Respondents Attacked 48 Table 7.8: People Who Know At Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Commune.......................................................................................................... 49 Table 7.9: Respondents who Know at Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Age of Respondents ................................................................ 51 Table 7.10: Respondents Who Know At Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Enumerator Who Asked the Question ...................................... 52 Table 7.11: Respondents "know" anyone who has been raped since January 12th 2010 Earthquake and Number Known....................................................... 53 Table 7.12: Deriving Average Female Network Size.......................................... 53 Table 7.13: Choice of Single Biggest Criminal Problem...................................... 54 Tablet 7.14: Two Biggest Problems for Young Men ........................................... 56 Table 7.15: Two Biggest Problems for Young Women ....................................... 56 Table 7.16: When Respondents Think Last Rape Law Passed............................. 57 Table 7.17: Respondents Knowledge About Laws Regarding Raping or Beating Girlfriend or Spouse........................................................................... 57 iv Table 7.18: What a Woman Should If Raped ...................................................... 57 Table 7.19: Where A Person Can Go For Care In The Area If They Have Been Raped................................................................................................................ 57 Table 7.20: Special Clinic for Rape Victims Mentioned...................................... 58 Table 8.1: When Should Boys vs. Girls Become Sexually Active...................... 60 Table 8.2: Children Born to Men and Women by Age and Sex 18 to 25 Years Old..................................................................................................................... 61 Table 8.3: Percentage of Respondents per Age Groups who Have Children....... 61 Table 8.4: Whether People Need Children............................................................ 62 Table 8.5: Average of Ideal Number of Children ................................................ 62 Table 8.6: Children Born to Men and Women by Age and Sex.......................... 62 Table 8.7: Family of 3 vs. 6 Children.................................................................... 63 Table 8.8: Location of People who Favor Family of 6 vs. 3 Children................. 63 Table 8.9: Reasons for Choosing Family with 3 Children................................... 63 Table 8.10 Reasons for Preferring Girls................................................................ 65 Table 8.11:Why Boys......................................................................................... 65 Table 8.12: Frequency of Reasons For Justifiable Abortion................................ 66 Table 8.13:Tolerance for Abortion...................................................................... 66 Table 8.14: Count of Contraceptive Good vs. Bad by Sex of Respondent .......... 67 Table 8.15: Contraceptive Good vs. Bad by Age of Respondent......................... 67 Table8.16: Right to Use Contraceptives with spousal consent by Sex................ 68 Table 9.1: First Person Respondent Goes to if Needs Material Aid..................... 70 Table 9.2: Count of Need Advice ......................................................................... 70 Table 10.1: Group Membership by Type of Group and Sex of Respondent........ 71 Table 10.2: Types of Seminars Respondents Attended Since Earthquake ........... 73 Table 10.3: Seminar Sponsors............................................................................... 73 Table 10.4: Last Illness in the House ................................................................... 74 Table 10.5: Who Was Sick ................................................................................... 74 Table 10.6: Reasons Given for Not Going to Hospital, Clinic or Doctor............. 75 Table 10.7: Most Knowledgeable Illness in the House....................................... 76 Table 12.1: Selected Latin American and Caribbean Adolescent Birth Rates..... 83 Table 12.2: Formal Sector Employment............................................................... 86 Table 12.3: Mostly Informal Sector Employment ................................................ 86 Table 12.4: Entrepreneurial Sector....................................................................... 86 Table 12.5: Chi Square for Who Wins Arguments............................................... 86 Table 12.6: Respondents who Say that Woman Has Right to Beat Other Woman or Husband if He has Affair............................................................... 87 Table 12.7: Respondents who Say that Man has Right to Beat Spouse if she has an Affair ............................................................................................................. 87 List of Charts Chart 4.1: Sex of Respondents.............................................................................. 13 Chart 4.2: Respondents per commune................................................................... 13 Chart 4.3: Urban vs Rural (Leogane and Carrefour)............................................. 14 v Chart 4.4: Location of Respondents...................................................................... 15 Chart 5.1: Where Respondent Grew Up................................................................ 15 Chart 5.2: No Education........................................................................................ 16 Chart 5.3: At least 7th Grade................................................................................. 16 Chart 5.4: Comparison of Proportion of Population with no Education: Survey Populations vs. National Data........................................................................ 16 Chart 5.5: Educational Level by Sex..................................................................... 17 Chart 5.6: Comparison of Illiterate Population by Sex and Commune................ 17 Chart 6.1: Household Type .................................................................................. 19 Chart 6.2: People per Hshld by Hshld Type.......................................................... 19 Chart 6.3: Household Types Carrefour vs. Leogane ............................................ 20 Chart 6.4: Home Ownership................................................................................. 23 Chart 6.5: Female Breadwinners........................................................................... 25 Chart 6.6: Male Breadwinners............................................................................... 25 Chart 6.7: Comparison of Proportion of Sample by Gender of 1st and 2nd Breadwinners: Male vs. Female....................................................................... 25 Chart 6.8: Daily Food Expenditures (USD) by Gender House Type................... 28 Chart 6.9: People per Hshld by Hshld Type.......................................................... 28 Chart 6.10: Per Person Daily Food Expenditures (USD) by House Type............ 28 Chart 6.11: Statistical Significance of Household Type by Average Food Expenditures p<05........................................................................................... 28 Chart 6.12: Average Daily Food Expenditures (USD) by Gender of Principal Breadwinners................................................................................................... 28 Chart 6.13: Woman Manages Household Budget by Household Type................ 29 Chart 6.14: Female Manager of Budget by Gender of 1st and 2nd Contributors of Income ....................................................................................................... 29 Chart 6.15: Gender of Who Controls the Budget by Per Person Expenditures 30 Chart 6.16: Food Expenditures Per household by Gender of Who Controls Budget............................................................................................................ 30 Chart 6.17: Comparison of Per Person Hshld Food Expenditures by Gender that Controls Budget and Single Male Hshld (p < .05) ................................. 31 Chart 6.18: Females Only Wash Dishes by Gender of 1st and 2nd Income Contributors (Single Male Headed Hshlds Excluded) ................................... 32 Chart 6.19: Who Usually Wins Arguments by Sex.............................................. 33 Chart 6.20: Who Usually Wins Arguments Between Patners (for All Respondents with partners) ......................................................................... 33 Chart 6.21: Winner of Arguments with partner by Sex and 1st and 2nd Income Contributors...................................................................................................... 34 Chart 6.22: Must Ask Permission To Visit Family Far-Away by Sex of Respondent ...................................................................................................... 34 Chart 6.23: Must Ask Permission to Join an Organization................................... 34 Chart 6.24: Sex of Those Who Would Visit Even If Told ‘’No’’ ........................ 35 Chart 6.25:Sex of Those Who Would Join Even If Told ``No``........................... 35 Chart 6.26: Respondents who have had Goods Taken Since the Earthquake...... 36 Chart 6.27: Which Spouse Needs the Other More: Man or Woman.................... 37 vi Chart 6.28: "Yes" Can "Live" Without a Spouse (all respondents) .................... 37 Chart 6.29: "Yes" Can "Live" Without Having a Spouse (respondents in union) ................................................................................................................ 38 Chart 6.30: Sex of All People Respondents Identified as Working the Hardest... 39 Chart 6.31: Sex of Respondents Self Identifying as Working the Hardest........... 39 Chart 6.32: Sex of Other People Respondents Identified as Working the Hardest.............................................................................................................. 39 Chart 7.1: Who Respondents Believe is most Often the Cause of Male Violence Against Women............................................................................... 42 Chart 7.2: Sex of Violent Protagonists ................................................................. 43 Chart 7.3: Woman was Beaten by her Spouse by First and Second Contributors of Household Income ................................................................. 45 Chart 7.4: Domestic Violence by Urbanization (City, Countryside, Peri-Urban) 45 Chart 7.5: Domestic Violence by Urbanization (Countryside vs Peri-Urban & City) ................................................................................................................. 45 Chart 7.6: Mean Household Monthly Educational Expenditures on Oldest Child by Aggressor in Last Incidence of Domestic Violence......................... 46 Chart 7.7: Beaten by Spouse or Lover by Type of Roof ...................................... 46 Chart 7.8: Type of Household Latrine by Last Incidence Domestic Violence.... 46 Chart 7.9: Respondents Evaluations of Rape Before vs After Earthquake........... 54 Chart 7.10: For Which Family is the Shame Greater: Victim or Rapist.............. 55 Chart 7.11 Most Likely Reactions to a Rape in the Neighborhood ..................... 55 Chart 7.12: Percentage of Respondents Who Know Nothing of Rape Law........ 56 Chart 7.13: Comparison in Quality of Services for Rape Victims: Before vs AfterEarthquake............................................................................................... 58 Chart 8.1: Who Needs Sex More, Men vs. Women by Sex of Respondent........ 59 Chart 8.2: Comparison of Statistical Significance for Average Number of Parent-Partners if Respondent Has Children: Men vs.Women ...................... 61 Chart 8.3: Respondents who Say a Family with 3 vs. 6 Children is Better Off.... 63 Chart 8.4: Family with 3 Girls vs. 3 Boys (All Respondents)............................... 64 Chart 8.5: Preference for Family with 3 Girls vs 3 Boys (Female)....................... 64 Chart 8.6: Preference for Family with 3 Girls vs 3 Boys (Male).......................... 64 Chart 8.7: Analysis of Age by Tolerance of Abortion......................................... 66 Chart 8.8: Proportion of Respondents Qualifying Contraceptives as "Mostly Good" (Female Respondents.......................................................................... 67 Chart 8.9: Proportion of Respondents Qualifying Contraceptives and "Mostly Good" (Male Respondents ................................................................................... 68 Chart 9.1: How Women and Men Rate Relationship with Their Partner............. 69 Chart 9.2: How Women and Men Rate Relationship with Their Children........... 69 Chart 10.1: Member of At Least one Organization (Including Church)............... 71 Chart 10.2: Member of At Least one Organization (Excluding church) .............. 71 Chart 10.3: At Least One Official Position in an Organization............................ 72 Chart 10.4: Attended At Least One Seminar Since Earthquake............................ 72 Chart 10.5: Number Seminars Respondents have Attended Since Earthquake... 72 Chart 10.6 Attended At Least One Seminar Since Earthquake............................. 72 vii Chart 10.7: Attended At Least One Seminar Since Earthquake by Sex and by Commune......................................................................................................... 72 Chart 10.8: Symptoms/Disease When Person Was Last Sick............................... 74 Chart 10.9: Where the Person was Treated........................................................... 75 Chart 10.10: Use of Hospital for Last Illness in the House: Carrefour vs Leogane .......................................................................................................... 75 Chart 10.11: Pre-Natal Care: Where Respondent Consulted Last Time She was Pregnant............................................................................................................ 76 Chart 10.12: Use of Pre-Natal Services: Carrefour vs. Leogane .......................... 77 Chart 10.13: Reasons Respondent Did Not Consult Last Time Pregnant ........... 77 Chart 10.14: Birth at Home: Carrefour vs. Leogane ........................................... 77 Chart 10.15: Post Natal Care: Where Respondent Consulted Last Time Gave Birth ................................................................................................................ 78 Chart 10.16: Use of Post-Natal Services: Carrefour vs. Leogane ........................ 78 Chart 10.17: Respondents who did not use any Post-Natal Specialist Last Pregnancy: Carrefour vs. Leogane (p < 95%) ................................................ 79 Chart 10.18: Post Natal Care: Why Respondent did not Consult at Clinic or with Doctor....................................................................................................... 79 viii  1 Summary of Important Findings • Urban based Single Female-Headed Households appear to be materially better off than households where both a male and female head is present; this is true on every count, be it construction, quality of latrine, or access to electricity and water (the reference here is to households; no IDP camps fell into the selected sample areas). • Rural based Single Female-Headed Households tended to be on par with Male- Female Headed Households. • Women are usually in control of household budgets, even when they are not among the primary financial contributors to the household. • Women more often than men win arguments with their spouse, something respondents report no matter who the respondent is, man or woman. • Men, more than women, feel the need to ask permission of someone in the household to travel or join an organization; and if told no, women are more likely than men to go or join anyway. • All household members, including males, more often defer to women for permission to travel or join an organization. • A very small percentage of both women and men condone, or believe that violence against women is justifiable or legal, even in cases of infidelity. • More people believe that women are the cause of male violence against women than vice versa, something pronounced among men but even among women 49% felt that women usually incited male violence. • Males suffer greater violence in terms of physical beatings; this is true both for children and adults. • At least 12% of women report having been beaten at least once by their spouse. • Rape occurs far less frequently than we have been led to believe by a series of high profile reports from specific grassroots gender based activist organizations and activist-scholars and journalists working in Port-au-Prince. • Respondents overwhelmingly report that in terms of material survival (vis a vis the household), men are "more dependent" on their wives than vice versa.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 2 1. Overview The quantitative Gender Survey described in this document was part of a larger evaluation and exploration of gender in Leogane and Carrefour, two communes (counties) near to Port-au- Prince that were among those most heavily impacted by the January 12th 2010 earthquake. Following the catastrophe CARE initiated emergency and supportive relief efforts in the communes, including sanitation, health and cash for work programs. In April 2010 CARE launched a program on Sexual and Reproductive Health (SRH) focusing on family planning and maternal health; later that same year CARE added the Life-Saving Interventions for Women and Girls project, the objective of which was to "combat gender-based violence and to reduce mortality and morbidity among earthquake-affected women and girls." In March 2013 CARE commissioned the qualitative evaluation of these projects and the present complementary quantitative survey that would help to both corroborate findings from the qualitative evaluation and provide guidance for further gender-informed interventions in the region. Both studies are part of CARE International's commitment to helping the poor in Haiti and to long term development, endeavors in which it has been a major Government of Haiti ally since 1954. CARE recognizes that effective development interventions depend on relevant up-to-date information. CARE also recognizes that gender behavior within Haiti varies across socioeconomic strata, educational level, urban versus rural social settings, and with respect to differential male versus female control over resources. With this in mind, the proposed study was meant to clarify, • Differences in rural and urban attitudes toward fertility • Views about Age of sexual debut and teenage pregnancy and abortion • Household decision-making (who, why) ✓ Use of finances ✓ Condom, contraceptive use ✓ Healthcare seeking • Domestic violence • Gender based division of labor • Awareness about new rape laws • Stigma toward rape victims and effectiveness of post-rape care system • Exposure to violence and sexual abuse (partner, criminal activity) • Impact of differential female economic status and resources ✓ Support systems, social cohesion • Norms and expectations within conjugal unions regarding freedom of women to travel and participate in community activities • Economic status of female and male headed households  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 3 Image 2.1: Haiti, the Communes of Leogane and Carrefour, and the Selected Survey Sample Points Commune of Carrefour -Est. pop = 500,000 -Area = 165 sq. km. Commune of Leogane -Est. pop = 190,000 -Area = 385 sq. km (Population derived from: Ambassade d'Haïti, Washington D.C.; Posted on Geohive http://www.geohive.com/cntry/haiti.aspx. Above estimates are modified for population growth to yiled 2012 estimates.)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 4 2. Review of the Literature We begin with a review of past ethnographic research and surveys that focused on gender in Haiti. Understanding the observations made by others before helps in identifying enduring features of gender in Haiti, patterns of change and, not least of all, the shortcomings and bias that has infected our work. It was this past research that informed the design of the current study. Our hope is that by using it as a guide we can preserve or enhance those interventions that have been well targeted and appropriate and, in the endeavor to make better and more efficient use of resources while helping those in need, better target future interventions. Gender in Haiti is and long has been highly patterned and distinct from the more patriarchal trends found in neighboring Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and many African societies among which development and academic programs frequently classify Haiti. These patterns include female monopoly of most household productive enterprises (such as food harvesting and processing), a high degree of female control over the homestead, and a nearly complete female monopoly over intermediate level redistribution and marketing of agricultural produce, small livestock, and fish (three of provincial Haitian households four main sources of income from production; the fourth source is charcoal produced for the urban market). Women have traditionally been considered the principal owners of homes, they are the primary disciplinarians of children, and their male partners often depend heavily on them as managers of the homestead. Undergirding the prominent role of women in organizing household labor and selling the products of the homestead is the fact that for many people in Haiti the homestead – be it urban or rural – is the single most important and often the only means of social and material security in what is an unforgiving region of the world characterized by catastrophic weather patterns and unpredictable economic crises (for past descriptions from anthropologists see Herskovits 1937; Simpson 1942; Metraux 1951; Murray 1977; Smucker, 1983; Schwartz 2000). In the traditional rural Haitian society that to a large degree continues to dominate Haitian cultural expectations, the sexual division of labor and female primacy in governing economic matters of the popular household were linked to distinctly patterned gender rights and duties. Men were considered the financiers and underwriters of female entrepreneurial activities and household expenses; men gave women money; it was the woman's right to receive; women were expected to reciprocate with sex and domestic service while intensely engaging in their own privately owned and managed marketing businesses the proceeds of which were intended for the maintenance of the household and children. If a man did not meet his obligations, the woman, even if married, had a socially recognized right to look for male support elsewhere (ibid; also note that all that has so far been described are in fact gender patterns that until recently prevailed throughout the non-Hispanic Caribbean; see for example Mintz 1955, 1971, 1974; Cohen 1956; R. T. Smith 1956; Solien 1959; Davenport 1961; M.G. Smith 1962; Kundstadter 1963; Otterbein 1963, 1965: Clarke 1966; Greenfield 1961; Walker 1968; Rodman 1971; Pollock 1972; Philpott 1973; Buschkens 1974; Durant-Gonzalez 1976; Hill 1977; Berleant-Schiller 1978; Massiah 1983; Griffith 1985; Olwig 1985; Gearing 1988; Handwerker 1989; Brittain 1990; Lagro and Plotkin 1990; Senior 1991; Mantz 2007 ).i  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 5 The popular class Haitian gender patterns being described were and in popular class continue to be manifest in what anthropologist Ira Lowenthal (1987) called a 'field of competition' between the sexes. Women are taught to think of themselves as able to get along without sexual gratification while conceptualizing their own sexuality in terms of a commodity, referring to their genitals as intere-m (my assets), lajan-m (my money), and manmanlajan-m (my capital), in addition to tè-m (my land). A popular proverb is, chak famn fet ak yon kawo te—nan mitan janm ni (every women is born with a parcel of land—between her legs). Men on the other hand are taught to believe they need sexual interaction with women and chastised for not making material overtures to women. Called “gendered capital” by Richman (2003: 123), these sexual-material values continue to be universal in the popular classes and apply whether the woman in question was dealing with a husband, lover, or more causal relationship. The consequence is an ongoing socially constructed and sexually intoned negotiation between men and women in which material advantage accrues to women. However, love, devotion, sex, and domestic service for material gain should not be equated with prostitution, promiscuity or subservience. Although influenced by family, particularly mothers, 95% and more of all women in the 2005-06 EMMUS reported selecting their own spouse and their subsequent comportment is embedded in a system of restraint and censorship such that sexual modesty in Haiti is, in terms of reporting and statistical norms, more conservative than found in mainstream US society. For example, while 20.7% American adolescent girls 15 to 19 years of age report having 2 or more sexual partners in the 12 months prior to being interviewed, only 1.6% of Haitian adolescents girls report the same (National Health Statistics Reports 2011; EMMUS 2012). American women 40 to 44 years of age report 3.4 lifetime sexual partners; Haitian counterparts report 2.5 (ibid; 2005-6 EMMUS). Even Haitian men--who few observers have would describe as sexually conservative--come off as modest in comparison to American men: the 2005-06 EMMUS found that 45% of single Haitian men 15 to 24 years of age reported not having sex in the previous year. The figure for abstinent US men in the same age group is 33 percent (National Health Statistics Reports 2011). As for subservience, Haitian women are better described not as timid and demure servants to men, but rather as outspoken, aggressive, and even violent defenders of the gender defined economic rights seen above (see Gerald Murray 1977; Schwartz 2000; and see James 2006 for some rich examples of violent Haitian female "viktim"). This description, of what can be called Haiti's traditional popular class "sexual moral economy" - -a description drawn largely from the ethnographic literature and supported by the highly regarded Demographic and Health Surveys (EMMUS2005-2006 and 2012)--is incomplete without noting that it has been historically accompanied by a strong, socially reinforced desire to parent children, what can be called radical pronatalism. The trend is such that the observation anthropologist George Simpson (1942: 670) made 60 years ago, 'that the Haitian peasant wishes to have children, and to have the largest number possible,' was applicable 35 years later, in 1977, when anthropologist Gerald Murray did two years of research in Haiti's Cul-de-Sac; it was applicable in 1987 when anthropologist Ira Lowenthal summarized his four years of research on the Southern Peninsula; it was still largely applicable in 1996 when Anthropologist Gisele Maynard Tucker summarized her 2,383 household survey of men and women in both urban and rural areas of greater Port-au-Prince; it was applicable in 1998 when Jenny Smith reported from  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 6 two years of research on Haiti's Plain du Nord; and certainly still applicable when the author (Schwartz 2000) reported on five years of research in Haiti's Northwest (Schwartz 2000). Linked to radical pronatalism are an abhorrence of abortion; a wide array of beliefs that associate contraceptives with illness and promiscuity; and superstitions and folk beliefs that seem exotic to outsiders but that promote high fertility. The latter include a firm belief in spells that make people fall in love, that having sex with an insane or handicapped woman brings luck, the fictive illness known as perdisyon wherein a fetus can gestate in a woman's womb for as long as 5 years (technically known as "arrested pregnancy syndrome"), and superstitious rationales that convince men to accept paternity for children that are not biologically their own, such as the widely accepted blood test--the belief that if a man pricks his own finger and puts a drop of blood on the newborn‘s tongue he can determine if the child is his, for if he is not the father the baby will die instantly. (For descriptions of the aforementioned see Herskovits 1937; Simpson 1942; Murray 1977; Smith 1996; Maternowska 2006; and Schwartz 2009.) Despite the long history of in-depth anthropological studies cited above, many outsiders (including among them some notable Haitian intellectuals) have misunderstood gender in Haiti and by corollary their relationship to the described pronatal patterns and folk beliefs. Many of the scholars imposed patriarchal models that apply to other countries or that are logical in the context of traditional middle and upper class Western value systems but that do not fit popular- class social patterns in Haiti. For example, in a stark misinterpretation of rural life in Haiti first noted by Gerald Murray (1977: 263), the oft-repeated explanation for polygyny has long been that farmers use “extra” wives to tend additional gardens (Bastien 1961: 142; Courlander 1960: 112; Herskovits 1937; Leyburn 1966: 195; Moral 1961: 175–76; Simpson 1942: 656). As Murray pointed out, this is not now and probably never was true. Women in rural Haiti do not work in gardens on behalf of men. On the contrary, they may sometimes work gardens on their own and their children’s behalf, but when a man is present the obligation to plant and weed falls to him (Murray 1977; Smucker 1983; Schwartz 2009). Indeed, a tradition so consistent over the years that it can be elevated to the status of a cultural rule is that Haitian women, not men, are considered the owners of the household agricultural produce; produce largely cultivated by the efforts of male household members (ibid). The same tendency to misconstrue or impose outside gender patterns onto popular class Haiti prevails today, particularly among foreign analysts, international social activists, and aid workers. Several notable exceptions notwithstanding (N’zengou-Tayo 1998, Fafo 2004, Gardella 2006), most present repression of women as worse in Haiti than other countries. In doing so they cite discriminatory legal codes (Fuller 2005; UNIFEM 2004), political violence against women (Fuller 2005; UNIFEM 2004), high levels of mortality during childbirth (UNIFEM 2004; World Bank 2002), the feminine struggle for identity manifest in creative literature (Francis 2004), female involvement in onerous, labor-intensive economic endeavors (Divinski et al. 1998), and even the overall deterioration of economic and political conditions (UNIFEM 2006). Summarizing these views, the UN’s Gender Development Index (GDI) ranks Haiti at the very bottom of the Western hemisphere, making it seem to observers who do not carefully interpret the index that Haiti is the most female repressive country in all of Latin America, indeed the world, considerably lower in ranking than Iran or Saudi Arabia (United Nations Development Programme 2006).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 7 A good example of how far from fact many feminist presentations have gone is the work of Beverly Bell, one of the more outspoken experts on gender in Haiti and author of the acclaimed book Walking on Fire (2001). In the introduction to her book Bell claimed that, “Haitian women place at the absolute bottom in female-male life expectancy differential, incidence of teen marriage, contraceptive use, primary school enrollment, secondary school enrollment, and ratio of secondary school teachers. They tie for worst or rank second to worst in the following: economic equality with men, social equality, life expectancy, rate of widowhood/divorce or separation, University enrollment, female adult literacy, discrepancy between male and female literacy...” [Bell 2001: 18] Bell was wrong on every count. At 63 vs 59 years, women in Haiti live longer than men (UN 2010); at 43 per 1,000 babies annually born to adolescent girls 15 to 19 years of age, Haiti's teen pregnancy rate is officially among the lowest in the developing world, half or less that of many Latin American countries, including the neighboring Dominican Republic (World Bank 2013; WHO 2007; UNFPA 2007; WHO 2001) and one third the 2006 rate of 126 for both Hispanic and Black youth in the United States (Planned Parenthood 2011).ii In both urban and rural areas more Haitian females have finished primary school than males (86.6% to 85.2% for urban areas and 73.2% to 72.4% in rural areas) and more urban based females have completed secondary school (41.9 %to 39.1%). Only with regard to completion of secondary school in rural areas do boys prevail (20.0% to 11.7%: see EMMUS 2012). Indeed, for those concerned about gender differential treatment of children a good case can be made that it is Haitian boys, not girls, who are in need of special attention: in addition to the educational differences favoring girls, the 2005-06 EMMUS found that chronic malnutrition was significantly greater among boys (25% vs 20%: p.162); the same was true for child mortality (143/1,000 boys to 132/1,000 for girls 0 to 62 months of age: p. 86). Returning to Bell and the contemporary status quo for the presentation of gender in Haiti, the only point that she seems to have gotten right is that, as seen earlier, it is true that Haitian women, particularly rural women, eschew contraceptives. Despite massive and costly internationally funded contraceptive campaigns extending back in time back to the early 1970s, only 28.7% of reproductive aged Haitian women were using them in 2010; that translates to the lowest contraceptive use rate in the Western hemisphere; 7.6% lower than the next lowest rate: Bolivia at 36.3% (see Alkema et. al. 2013). But there is little evidence that low female contraceptive use in Haiti has anything to do with male domination. In the 2005-06 EMMUS only 2.3% of reproductive aged Haitian women interviewed reported not using modern contraceptive because their spouse objected (p. 73).iii Perhaps the most interesting feature of the misrepresentation of gender status in Haiti is precisely the point touched on above: that the notion of Haitian women as "viktim" and under the control of their spouses has prevailed despite the fact that the EMMUS studies--the most relied on source for demographic, reproductive health and gender data for Haiti--provide extensive evidence to the contrary. An overwhelming proportion of women interviewed for the Haiti EMMUS's report having or sharing the final word on household issues ranging from large and  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 8 small household expenditures, to work habits, child discipline, education, and health (EMMUS 2005-6; p 245 - 250). Moreover, the trend is not, as many observers seem to assume, one of the poorest women suffering the most severe repression. The authors of the 2005-2006 EMMUS noted that, Against all expectations, we find that women who most frequently participate in making the seven decisions inquired about are rural women and those who have less education. [And] Women who work for money are [also] involved much more frequently than others in decision making.iv v [EMMUS 2005-6: 247] Reinforcing the erroneous or at least ethnographically and statistically unsupported image of Haitian women as, by global standards, economically, physically, medically, and socially repressed vis a vis men, are claims that they suffer extreme physical and sexual violence at the hands of their male spouses, criminals, paramilitary thugs and even police. Since the 2010 earthquake this image has been especially prominent in reports from grassroots activist organizations, human rights organizations, NGOs, the UN, and the international press (Bell 2010; Faul 2010; KOFAVIV 2010; Amnesty International 2011; Kolbe et. al. 2010). For example, following the earthquake grass-roots activist organizations were reporting such a high incidence of rape that the international press labeled it "epidemic." It would seem that at least some support for the image of Haitian women suffering extraordinary domestic violence comes from the EMMUS studies. The 2005-6 Haitian EMMUS found that 19.3% of women interviewed had, at some point in their lives, experienced physical or sexual violence at the hands of a partner. However, putting this in regional perspective, it is the second lowest rate in Latin America (PAHO 2012); and 2.8% lower than the 22.1% rate reported in the United States for year 2000 (Tjaden and Thoennes 2000). Moreover, what we do not learn from the EMMUS interviews is what men report about female violence or to what extent women may sometimes be more accurately categorized, not as passive victims, but as combatants. The EMMUS did not interview men regarding female violence. At least some anthropologists report that Haitian women are in fact physically assertive and as or more violent than male counterparts with respect to both other women and men (Murray 1977; Schwartz 2000). If true, the observation should arguably not come as a surprise. Given the high degree of economic engagement and the conspicuous role of popular class Haitian women in household and family decision-making processes a high degree of assertiveness can be expected in both defending and exerting their entrenched and socially recognized rights. In the surveys discussed in this report, women who reported experiencing domestic violence were in fact more likely be among those who made significant economic contributions to the household. As for reports of epidemic levels of post-earthquake extra-domestic rape and violence against women: we found no evidence in the Leogane and Carrefour surveys to support the claims. Returning to the trend in the literature of misrepresenting Haiti's popular class gender patterns, not all scholars have overlooked the prominence and high degree of de facto male-female equity. In her 2006 Gender Assessment for USAID, Gardella emphasized that Haitians show no gender  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 9 preference in educating their children. The Understanding Children’s Work Project (2006), drawing on EMMUS 2005-6, concluded that Haitian boys more often than girls work outside the home, they work harder than girls, and they work for longer hours than girls. In terms of adult female participation in the work force, Haiti is second only to Lesotho as that developing country with the highest rate of female economic participation; in 1995 the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) estimated male vs. female participation rates at 87% and 62%, respectively (IDB 1999). Moreover, there is at least some strong evidence that rural female headed households may be better off--or at least not as badly off--as their male counterparts: Sletten and Egset's (2004) found that 28% of rural households are headed by women and 72% are headed by men; but four times as many rural male-headed households face "extreme food insecurity." In the surveys discussed in this report we found that in both rural and urban areas Single Female Headed Households were materially as or better off than those households with both a male and female head. None of this to say that there are not serious gender issues that should be addressed. Haitian gender patterns have been widely misunderstood. But times are changing. Haiti has gone from 95% rural in 1950 to 60% rural in 2000. The year 2009 marking the first time that Haiti was as urban as it was rural (World Bank 1995; CIA 2005). In the three years since the earthquake the urban population has shot to 55 percent (World Bank 2013). This means that a large portion of the Haitian female youth is no longer being reared in an ambience where they can look forward to the traditional female dominated rural marketing system as a means to economic autonomy. Nor will they have the socially defined rights to control household production--specifically, the traditionally defined female ownership of household agricultural produce. Greater physical presence of men --i.e. less male transience with urban employment--and greater dependency on male dominated wage labor also seems to bode a loss of power and prestige for women. And indeed, while it was seen above that in rural areas there are dramatically fewer "extremely poor" female vs. male-headed households, other researchers report the opposite in the urban environment. Gardella (2006) noted that 26 percent of female headed households in Port-au- Prince are "extremely poor" vs. 17 percent of those headed by males. While we did not find similar results in the present survey, associated with this disparity is the fact that the single most powerful predictor of household economic status in Port-au-Prince is if the household head has a salaried job in the formal sector, an area where men outnumber women by a factor as high as 3 to 1 and where men monopolize the upper income strata (Sletten and Egset, 2004:14; Charmes 2000; Gardella 2006:11). With all that said, we hope that findings in this report present a sobering perspective on gender relations in Haiti and insight into how they are changing so that we might better prepare for an uncertain future.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 10 3. Questionnaire The questionnaire was designed with two overriding goals in mind, 1) Ask questions that encourage honest and accurate responses 2) Gather information that puts Haitian gender roles in cultural perspective To achieve these objectives we formulated questions to be as gender neutral as possible; and, wherever logical, we asked the same questions about men as we did about women. The questionnaire was inspired by CARE Gender Kit (2013) and a series of cross-cultural gender scales. Specifically, we drew on Horizons and Promundo's Gender-Equitable Men (GEM), Scale, (Pulerwitz and Barker 2008). Schuler, Hashemi, and Riley's (1997) Women's Empowerment Scale, Waszak, Severy, Kafafi, and Badawi's (2000) Gender Norm Attitudes Scale, Stephenson, Bartel, and Rubardt's (2010) Gender Relations Scale, Leon and Foreit's (2009) Household Decision-Making Scale, and Pulerwitz, Gortmaker, and DeJong's (2000) Sexual Relationship Power Scale (for a summary of each scale see Nanda 2011) Many of the 'cross-cultural' questions seemed inherently bias in their formulation, encouraging us to make modifications. For example, rather than asking "Who needs sex more, men or women?" the Gender Equitable Men (GEM) Scale asks, "Do men need sex more than women do?" Wherever possible we made such questions gender neutral. Where the GEM Scale asks, "If it is the woman's responsibility to avoid getting pregnant" we relied on less direct questions to frame the structure of control over a woman's reproduction, such as "under what conditions is abortion justifiable?" and "if a man/woman has the right to use contraceptives without informing their spouse?" From the Women's Empowerment Scale (WES) we took the questions 'has family taken something from you,' 'are you free to visit family', 'freed to join organizations,' 'do you own possessions privately', 'what is your role as contributor of resources,' and 'who performs specific household chores.' Most of these questions were modified for ease of applicability. For example rather than asking exactly how much a woman contributed we asked "who was the first and second most important contributor of household support?" And once again we tried to frame the questions so that they were gender neutral: where WES poses the question, ' a real man produces a male child (rather than a female)?' we sought to determine child preference by posing the situational question, "a couple with three girls vs a couple with three boys, who is better off?" We drew one question from the Gender Norm Attitudes Scale. Specifically, "when a child is sick who usually knows better what to do? Father, mother, same" In this case we modified the question to fit the particular household and to capture all people in the household, a decision encouraged by knowing that in Haiti it is often the grandmother or another family member who prevails in the case of important household decisions. Specifically, we asked, "when one of the children in the house is sick who knows best what to do?"  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 11 We were inspired by two questions from the Gender Relations Scale: "a man can hit his wife if she will not have sex with him?" and "a woman should be faithful and have sex with her husband even if her husband has another wife or lover?" We tried to take the hint of female bias out of these questions by posing instead the hypothetical situation of, "what a woman should do if her husband was having a sexual relationship with another woman?" and we tried to make it gender neutral by also asking "what a man should do if his wife was having an affair?" We were inspired by the Household Decision-Making Scale question, "who usually makes decisions about making major household purchases?" We asked the exact question. We also added, "who manages the household budget?" And finally we were inspired by the Sexual Relationship Power Scale (SRPS) situational questions, "my partner does what he wants, even if I do not want him to?" and "I do what I want even if my partner does not want me to?" We also borrowed verbatim the question, "When my partner and I disagree (1) he usually gets his way, 2) we usually compromise, 3) I usually get my way)." Training and pretests Our 14 enumerators, two supervisors, data monitor and the consultant engaged in three day training and exchange of ideas to refine of the questionnaire. We performed three pretests for a total of 195 pretested questionnaires. After each test we reviewed the questions, corrected errors, modified content, perfected our understanding of the questions and shared experiences and insights into the manner in which we elicited responses. Ethical Review We evaluated the questionnaire in lieu of admonishments in the CARE Gender Tool Kit (2013) and the two major post-earthquake gender studies, one approved by US University of Michigan School of Social Work (Mortality, Crimes and Basic Needs Assessment) and the other approved by a collection of five of Haiti's most active and respected feminist organizations (POTOFI 2012). University of Michigan School of Social Work approved a series of studies in Haiti by the Geneva Small Arms Survey (see Kolbe et. al.) that include visiting people in their homes, asking respondents if anyone in the household had been raped over a specified period of time and then, if the response was yes, inquiring about intimate details of the assault, including specifics of penetration. The POTOFI Study identified pregnant teenagers and asked them intimate questions regarding how they became pregnant, including whether or not they had been raped and under what circumstances. The present survey did not ask intrusive questions about the sexual behavior or traumatic sexual experiences of the respondents or household members (nor would we expect welcome compliance or forthcoming and honest responses). Before each survey enumerators read an explanation of the survey and respondents sign a consent form.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 12 4. Methodology The survey design was a 1,600 residences random and systematically selected cluster sample, stratified for women vs. men and age. Clusters, Selection, and number of respondents: A cluster was defined by the closest 24 residences to random and systematically selected latitudinal and longitudinal coordinates. The target number of clusters was 36; with 24 respondents per cluster. In each cluster surveyors sought to identify 3 respondents for each of the 8 age and sex categories (see Table 4.1). The number of clusters selected and respondents interviewed per cluster conforms to the USAID Feed the Future (2012) recommended clusters selected (36+) and WHO ideal number of respondents per cluster of 20 to. Because of the rugged terrain and bad weather in Leogane, 7 clusters chosen in mountainous areas were replaced with points randomly selected in low lying areas . Table 4.1: Target Sample Size and Stratification Age Male Female Total 18-25 100 100 200 26 - 35 100 100 200 Carrefour 36 - 50 100 100 200 50+ 100 100 200 Total 400 400 800 18-25 100 100 200 26 - 35 100 100 200 Leogane 36 - 50 100 100 200 50+ 100 100 200 Total 400 400 800 Total 800 800 1600 Image 4.1: Carrefour is on the left and Leogane on the right. The yellow waypoint markers are selected sample points. The blue markers are the actual sites visited.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 13 Respondents per Residence, Absenteeism and Replacement: Enumerators interviewed one respondent per residence. In cases of absenteeism or failure to locate enough respondents for each category within a cluster, additional 'nearest' houses were included in the cluster sample. For the sake of logistical expediency enumerators sometimes moved on to other clusters without having interviewed respondent quotas. To account for shortfalls additional clusters were added at the end of both Leogane and Carrefour surveys. The total number of clusters actually visited was 41 in Carrefour and 36 in Leogane. Total respondents for all age categories, both sexes and in each of the two communes is given in Table 4.2 and Charts 4.1, 4.2. Table 4.2: Age Groups for Actual Sample Taken Age Groups Sex of Sum of Respondent 18 to 25 26 to 35 36 to 50 50 + Missing Total Female 203 205 200 203 9 820 Male 201 204 209 204 19 823 Grand Total 404 409 409 407 28 1629 Date and duration of survey: Training and surveys began April 15th and were completed May 15th. Team Structure and logistics: The teams were structured in male and female team-pairs. There were seven team-pairs. They traveled by motorcycles; one two person male-female team- pair per motorcycle. One supervisor and the consultant also traveled by motorcycle. The other supervisor traveled by four-wheel drive vehicle. The data monitor--who only visited base camps- - traveled most often on public transportation. Enumerators and supervisors slept at base camps located at each of the two sites. Interviews and data monitoring: Female enumerators interviewed female respondents and male enumerators interviewed male respondents. Two supervisors and the consultant monitored performance and cluster selection. Review of the accuracy of cluster selection and data was compounded and reviewed daily. A data monitor telephoned 10% of all respondents interviewed  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 14 and verified the interviews; 67% of those called were reached, a figure that corresponds with our findings on other surveys. The reason for 33% not being reached had to do with telephone service, no response and small portion (5%) of errors in telephone numbers, wrong names and surveyors being given the number of a neighbor or friend of the respondent who was unaware of what we were inquiring about. The frequency of all the preceding falls well within the bounds of what we have found on prior surveys. Non-Responses There were a total of 12 people who refused to be interviewed; 6 interviews were prematurely ended because of poor communication or disruption from other sources. Equipment and software: The survey instruments were Samsung Galaxy tablets with questions loaded into ODK software platform. The app program GPS Essentials was downloaded onto each tablet and used to locate the pre-selected longitudinal and latitudinal coordinates (preselected on Google Earth). Excel and SPSS software were used during analysis. Sample Stratification: As seen the survey sample was pre-stratified for age and sex. We also included an urbanization component, trying to make sure that we captured enough rural and peri- urban respondents in Leogane to compare with heavily urbanized Carrefour (see Charts 4.3, 4.4). Chart 4.3: Urban vs Rural 600 (Leogane and Carrefour) 63% 500 400 45% 40% 36% 300 Carrefour 200 Leogone 15% 100 0 Countryside Peri-Urban City  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 15 Chart 4.4: Location of Respondents 45% 40% 38% 38% 35% 30% 25% 23% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Countryside Peri-Urban City 5. Respondent Profiles: Origin, Urban vs Rural, Work and Education We begin the summary of findings with a basic demographic description of the people interviewed. Haiti's is currently characterized by a high rate of rural to urban migration. The trend was evident among survey respondents (Chart 5.1). Twenty-four percent of respondents came from outside the Department of the West, where Leogane and Carrefour are located. There were at least five respondents from each one of Haiti's ten Departments (Table 5.1). Table 5.1: Chart 5.1: Where Respondent Grew Up Department of Origin 70% 65% Num. of 60% Department Respondents 60% 55% 45% North East 5 50% 40% North West 8 40% 35% Central 10 30% North 19 Artibonite 30 20% Nippes 45 10% Grand Anse 58 0% South 106 Female Male Total South East 120 Elsewhere Here West 1242 Total 1,643  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 16 Respondents also exhibited high levels of illiteracy characteristic of elsewhere in Haiti (Chart 5.3). However, rates of male vs. female educational attainment were, in contrast to the national rates, skewed in favor of males: only 16% of men in the samples had never attended school versus 25% of women (Charts 5.2); 59% of males vs. 46% of females had finished the 7th grade (Chart 5.3). In comparison, the national average for illiteracy among adult females is 22.3 %; and for males 23.3% for a total illiteracy rate of 22.8% (EMMUS 2012). A greater proportion of the sample in Leogane versus Carrfour were found to be illiterate (Chart 5.4). The relationship was pronounced for both sexes: the difference for women being 19% in Carrefour vs. 31% in Leogane, and the difference for men being 9% in Carrefour and 23% in Leogane (Chart 5.5 & 5.6). The difference in number of women versus men who are illiterate within each commune is also pronounced: 10% more Carrefour women versus men were found to be illiterate; 8% more Leogane women versus men were found to be illiterate. All these relationships were statistically significant (Chart 5.6). Chart 6.1: 5.2: No Education Chart 6.2: 5.3: At Least 7th Grade Male Female 16% Female Male 46% 25% 59% Chart 5.4: Comparison of Proportion of Population with no Education: 30% Survey Populations vs. National Data 25% 25% 22% 23% 20% 16% 15% 10% Female 5% Male 0% Leogane and Carrefour National EMMUS (2012)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 17 45% 41% 40% Chart 5.5: Educational Level by Sex 36% 35% Female Male 30% 25% 25% 20% 18% 16% 16% 16% 15% 13% 9% 10% 10% 5% 0% No Education 1st thru 5th 6th Grade 7th thru 11th 12th Grade or greater Chart 5.6: Comparison of Illiterate Population by Sex and Commune (p < .05) 40% 35% Fem Leogane, 30% 31% 25% 20% Fem Carrefour, 19% Male Leogane, 15% 23% 10% Male Carrefour, 9% 5% 0%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 18 Table 5.2, lists self-identified skills as respondents reported them. But note that this data does not refer to source of income. Some respondents overlooked their occupations and reported no skill. For example, in Table 5.2 below 334 of 820 women reported commerce as a skill. But in Section Six, Table 6.12, it can be seen that in 969 of the 1,643 households visited at least one resident woman was engaged in commerce.vi Table 5.2: Skills of Respondents Female Male Total Accountant 0 0 0 Police 0 0 0 Lawyer 0 2 2 Fisherman 0 3 3 Doctor 0 3 3 Communication 2 2 4 Performer 1 6 7 Traditional healer 2 5 7 Iron Worker 0 8 8 Security guard 0 9 9 Cook 13 0 13 Mason 0 17 17 Carpenter 0 18 18 Artisan 7 13 20 Teacher 10 14 24 Nurse/Medical Tech 22 2 24 Plumber/electrician 0 25 25 Baker 33 5 38 Beauticien/Barber 46 1 47 Farmer 7 48 55 Business 40 21 61 Driver 0 63 63 Computer operator 37 37 74 Tailor/Seamstress 65 11 76 Professional other 35 60 95 Commerce 334 34 368 Nothing 166 416 582  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 19 6. The Household Defining Household Heads Our investigation of gender and differential status really begins here, with an analysis of gender specific headship and financial contributions. Respondents identified households as female or male headed. But the category is highly subjective. For example, a respondent might say that the household is female headed because the mother is present but say male headed if the father is present; it is also unknown to what extent women might report themselves as household head when in fact they are have little decision making power; and they may report their husband as head when in fact he has little influence on daily decision making. The same is true for subjective reporting from men. In short, if we base Household Headship on the subjective response of the person interviewed we have no idea what 'female headed' or 'male headed' really means. Thus we modified the category to be de facto household heads. Specifically, households that respondents defined as male or female headed but in which the head resided with a live-in spouse of the opposite sex we placed in the category of Male-Female Headed Household (MFHH). The other two categories were Single Female Headed Households (SFHH) and Single Male Headed Households (SMHH). However, there were very few Single Male Chart 6.1: Household Type Headed Households (177 or 11% of all Single households: See Chart 6.1 right); and they Male Single Headed Female had much fewer members on average (Chart Headed 6.2). Part of the reason is that 38 (23%) of the Hshld, 11% Man and HsHld, households had only a single male living in Woman, 27% them; another 37 (22%) had only 2 people 62% living in them; fully 82 (46%) of the men who headed them had no children and 68 (38%) were not and never had never been in union (Table 6.1). Table 6.1: Residents per Gender Household Headship Type Chart 6.2: People per Hshld by Hshld Type Number Male Single Single 6.0 5.3 5.1 of & Female Male residents Female Hshld Hshld 5.0 1 2% 4% 23% 4.0 3.6 2 9% 11% 22% 3.0 3 17% 19% 17% 4 20% 21% 13% 2.0 Male & Female Single Female Hshld Single Male Hshld 5 19% 18% 7% 6 13% 13% 12% 7+ 19% 15% 6%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 20 Thus, almost half of the Single Male-Headed households were not functioning units around which productive labor was organized and children being raised; rather most were domiciles for young men in transition from being children to becoming adults. Women on the other hand almost never live alone and were members of larger households. This trend suggests that a natural definition of household in the communities includes a lone or single female head or a man and a female de facto co-head, whether she is identified as a household head or not. Thus, the analysis below focuses on differences between Single Female-Headed Households and Male- Female Headed Households. In the Charts and Tables we include data for Single Male Headed Households but only for interest, not as a principal comparative category. In later sections we will drop the Household Head categories entirely for the more useful categorization strategy, "Sex of 1st and 2nd Most Important Contributors of Income." Table 6.2: Population Household Average of Average Number Average of Household Type Household Pop of Servants Restavec Single Male 3.79 0.05 0.29 Single Female 5.31 0.15 0.31 Man and Woman 5.68 0.06 0.41 Total 5.38 0.08 0.37 Urban vs. Rural Household Dimension To add the dimension of urban vs. rural households, we consider the division of Carrefour (entirely urban and peri-urban) vs. Leogane (peri-urban and rural), and we used this distinction in the analysis of material household status on the following pages (Tables 6.3). Chart 6.3: Household Types Carrefour vs. Leogane 80% 67% 62% 58% 60% Male & Female 40% 29% 24% 27% Single Female Hshld 20% 13% 11% Single Male Hshld 9% 0% Carrefour Leogane Total  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 21 Household Headship and Material Status Indicators Tables 6.3 thru to 6.11 suggest unexpected differences between Single Female Headed Households (SFHH) vs. Male and Female Headed Households (MFHH). Based on observations seen in the Review of the Literature we expected that rural Single Female Headed Households would be relatively well-off compared to their Male-Female headed counterparts and that urban Single Female Headed Households would be economically worse off. What we found suggests the opposite. Specifically, compared to Male-Female Headed Households, Single Female Headed Households in Carrefour (entirely urban or peri-urban) more often have a concrete roof (57% to 53%), more often have a flush toilet (20% to 17%), more often have a cistern or spigot in the house or yard (34% to 25%), more often purchase bottled water (16% to 15%), more often use propane gas to cook (7% to 5%), more often have electricity (98% to 97%), and more often own both the home and the house that it is built on (52% vs. 49%). In addition to all this, Single Female Headed Households in Carrefour spend more money on the oldest child's education (US$30.24 vs US$25.04 per month). In summary, with respect to every material variable measured, Single Female-Headed Households in the more urban commune of Carrefour came out better off than those households in which there is both a male and female head. While most of these differentials are not, for the size of the survey, statistically significant, together they provide a strong suggestion that Single Female-Headed Households in urban and peri-urban Carrefour are better off than their Male- Female Headed Households counterparts (Tables 6.3 thru 6.11). With respect to peri-urban and rural Leogane, Single Female Headed Households do not make as strong a showing, but rather appear to be equal to Male-Female Headed Households. An equal proportion of each has a concrete roof (6% to 6%), a flush toilet (5% to 5%), and uses propane gas as cooking fuel (2% to 2%). Male-Female Headed households in Leogane more often have a cistern or spigot in the house or yard (11% to 9%) and are more often hooked up to the national electric grid (64% to 58%). But Single Female Headed Households more often purchase bottled water (16% to 14%), they spend more on the oldest child's education (US$27.62 vs. US$25.03), and they more frequently own both the home and land (77% vs. 72%; see Chart 6.4 & Tables 6.3 thru 6.11). Table 6.3: Roof Type Male & Single Female Single Male Commune Type Female Hshld Hshld Total Concrete 53% 57% 51% 54% Carrefour Tin 41% 37% 45% 41% Tarp 6% 6% 4% 6% Concrete 6% 6% 7% 6% Leogane Tin 86% 85% 85% 86% Tarp 7% 8% 8% 8%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 22 Table 6.4: Latrine Single Male & Female Single Male Commune Type of Toilet Female Hshld Hshld Total Flush Toilet 17% 20% 16% 18% Block Latrine 59% 59% 66% 60% Carrefour Wood Latrine 17% 17% 10% 16% Hole 4% 1% 4% 3% None 3% 3% 4% 3% Flush Toilet 5% 5% 6% 5% Block Latrine 44% 38% 51% 43% Leogane Wood Latrine 30% 32% 27% 30% Hole 11% 14% 7% 11% None 10% 11% 9% 10% Table 6.5: Water Source Single Male & Female Single Male Commune Source Female Hshld Hshld Total Cistern/Spigot at house 25% 34% 21% 27% Cistern/Spigot not at house 71% 63% 75% 69% Carrefour Spring 2% 1% 4% 2% River 1% 1% 0% 1% Other 0% 0% 1% 0% Cistern/Spigot at house 11% 9% 8% 10% Cistern/Spigot not at house 61% 67% 53% 62% Leogane Spring 17% 16% 26% 17% River 8% 4% 10% 7% Other 3% 4% 3% 3% able 6.6: Potable Water Male & Single Female Single Male Commune Type Female Hshld Hshld Total Bottled 44% 46% 42% 44% Carrefour Self-Treated 53% 52% 56% 53% Untreated 3% 2% 3% 3% Bottled 14% 16% 21% 15% Leogane Self-Treated 64% 72% 43% 64% Untreated 22% 12% 36% 21%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 23 Table 6.7: Cooking Fuel Male & Single Female Single Male Female Hshld Hshld Total Propane 5% 7% 5% 5% Carrefour Charcoal 93% 91% 93% 92% Wood 2% 3% 2% 3% Propane 2% 2% 0% 2% Leogane Charcoal 42% 51% 32% 43% Wood 56% 48% 68% 55% Table 6.8: Energy Male & Single Female Single Male Commune Sources Female Hshld Hshld Total Grid 97% 98% 94% 97% Generator 1% 1% 2% 1% Carrefour Invertor 1% 0% 3% 1% Solar Panel 0% 0% 0% 0% Other 0% 0% 1% 1% Grid 64% 58% 57% 62% Generator 5% 3% 0% 4% Leogane Invertor 9% 8% 11% 9% Solar Panel 4% 7% 4% 5% Other 17% 23% 29% 20% Table 6.9: Monthly Educational Expenditure for Oldest Child Male & Single Female Single Male Commune Female Hshld Hshld Total Carrefour $25.04 $30.24 $28.24 $20.02 Leogane $25.03 $27.62 $17.81 $18.26 Chart 6.4: Home Ownership Own Neither Table 6.10: Average Own Home and Land, 26% Cost of Rent (USD) 62% Own Home House $327.49 Only, 12% Land $102.28  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 24 Table 6.11: Home Ownership Male & Single Female Single Male Commune Ownership Female Hshld Hshld Total Own Home Only 10% 7% 9% 9% Own Land Only 1% 0% 0% 0% Carrefour Own Both 49% 52% 55% 50% Own Neither 40% 41% 36% 40% Own Home Only 16% 11% 18% 15% Own Land Only 0% 1% 0% 0% Leogane Own Both 72% 77% 65% 73% Own Neither 12% 10% 17% 12% Headship and Economic Contributions In planning for the survey with CARE staff, we hypothesized that a tool more powerful than headship in illuminating the causes underlying gender differential treatment and behavior would be the extent to which women supported the economic wellbeing of the households. It is also necessary to have such a measure when assessing male-female relationships within households because, as seen with household type, in 27% of households there is no male-head, not even as co-head. In short, we cannot effectively evaluate adult gender relations for cases where only one gender is present (a woman). Charts 6.5 thru 6.7, below, give an overview of the frequency of 1st and 2nd contributors by sex of the contributors. In 70% of all households at least one of the two principal breadwinners is female; for males, in 79% of households at least one male is a 1st or 2nd ranked financial contributor. In only 19% of households are both primary breadwinners male and in only 13% are both female. In 35% of households the primary breadwinner is male and the secondary is female; and in 13% of cases it is the reverse, the primary breadwinner is female and the second breadwinner male. Table 6.12 and 6.13 list the different occupations by order of frequency (how many contributors depend on that occupation for income) and by order of importance (whether it is the source for first or second income contributors). Note in the tables the outstanding importance of commerce, cited twice as often as the next nearest source of income, 81% of the practitioners of which are women.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 25 Chart 6.5: Female Breadwinners 80% 70% 60% 35% 30% 40% 20% 8% 13% 13% 0% One Both 1st 1st Breadwiner At least one Neither of Breadwinner Breadwinners Breadwinner Male, 2nd Breadwinner principal 2 Female, Other Female Female, 2nd Female Female breadwinners Unknown Male female Chart 6.6: Male Breadwinners 100% 79% 80% 60% 35% 40% 19% 21% 11% 13% 20% 0% One Both Both 1st Breadwiner 1st At least one Neither of Breadwinner Breadwinners Male, 2nd Breadwinner Breadwinner principal 2 Male, Other Male Female Female, 2nd Male breadwinners Unknown Male Male Chart 6.7: Comparison of Proportion of Sample by Gender of 1st and 2nd Breadwinners: Male vs. Female 100% 79% 80% 70% 60% 35% 35% 30% 40% 21% 8% 11% 13% 19% 13% 13% 20% 0% Female/Male, Both 1st 1st At least One Neither Unknown Female/Male Female/Male, Male/Female, Female/Male Female/Male 2nd 2nd Male/Female Female/Male  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 26 Table 6.12: Source of 1st and 2nd Contributor Income by Sex of Contributor 1st Contributor 2nd Contributor Occupation Female Male Female Male Total Tailor 2 3 1 1 7 Rental property 2 2 2 1 7 Loaning money 2 2 4 1 9 Workshop 2 8 0 0 10 Restaurant 7 2 5 2 16 Labor 1 13 1 7 22 Store 4 6 12 1 23 Manual labor 0 15 3 11 29 Artisan 1 15 3 11 30 Remittances 14 10 9 7 40 Taxi 2 67 5 46 120 Other 24 95 48 51 218 Skilled labor 0 175 3 78 256 Farming 6 196 28 98 328 Paid employment 61 256 71 132 520 Commerce 402 147 567 75 1191 Total 530 1012 762 522 2826 Table 6.13: Total Sources of Income First and Second Income First Source Income Second Source of Income Tailor Business 0.3% Tailor Business 0.2% Loaning money 0.2% Loaning money 0.2% Rental property 0.3% Rental property 0.3% Restaurant 0.6% Restaurant 0.7% Store 0.6% Store 0.8% Workshop 0.6% Workshop 0.8% Labor 0.9% Labor 0.9% Artisan 1.0% Artisan 1.0% Manual labor 1.0% Manual labor 1.0% Remittances 1.7% Remittances 1.3% Taxi 4.5% Taxi 3.3% Skilled labor 10.9% Skilled labor 5.4% Farming 12.6% Farming 8.0% Paid employment 20.5% Paid employment 13.9% Commerce 34.3% Commerce 40.8% Other 10.0% Other 21.2%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 27 Table 6.14: Sex of First and Second Income Providers by Sex of Respondent Identified Household Head Self-Identified Female & Female & Female Male & Male & HsHld Head Unknown Unknown Female & Male Male Female Male Female 7% 19% 33% 16% 5% 14% 7% Male 4% 1% 2% 6% 15% 38% 34% Male & Female 2% 4% 3% 17% 12% 50% 11% All households 4% 8% 12% 13% 11% 34% 18% Differential Impact of Women vs. Men Being in Control of Household Resources The intuitively obvious utility of having a measure of female economic power is that we can explore the extent to which female vs male control over household resources determines factors such as, 1) the nutritional well-being of other household members, particularly children, as manifest in food expenditures 2) gender specific performance of household chores, 4) how women are treated, or mistreated, by their husband and others around them. Household Expenditures on Food In the literature regarding the role of women in development a common assumption is that the more women are in control of household finances the greater the proportion of the household budget gets spent on nutrition (World Bank 2002). In preparing for the survey we made the same assumption and we included questions to test the veracity of this expectation. As seen below, the data at first seemed to support the notion that women spend more on household nutrition. But upon closer inspection the evidence suggests that men, when in control of the household budget, may spend as much or more on nutrition than do women. Expenditures on Food by Household Headship Type The first issue we look at is expenditures on food per household per household type (Chart 6.8). But because of the different size of households per type, once again seen in Chart 6.9, it is more useful to examine expenditures per person for the different house types, as seen in Chart 6.10. In Chart 6.11 we see that when we consider household size, or rather expenditures per person per household type, Single Male Headed Households are seen to spend more on food than both Single Female Headed Households and Male-Female Headed Households. This is probably a consequence of something other than consideration for household members; specifically an economy of scale, the larger households preparing more food at a more economic price. Thus, we are left once again with the image of Single Female Households operating more favorably than their Male-Female Headed Households counterparts. Chart 6.12 illustrates that the relationships is not, for the sample size, statistically significant. Nevertheless, based on the more favorable resources, infrastructure and wealth of Single Female Headed Households seen in the previous section, we can infer that Single Female Headed Households once again have more resources or are at least able to more effectively marshal greater resources than Male-Female Headed Households.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 28 Chart 6.8: Daily Food Expenditures (USD) Chart 6.9: People per Hshld by Hshld by Gender House Type Type $11.00 $9.94 $10.26 6.0 5.3 5.1 $10.00 $8.47 5.0 $9.00 3.6 4.0 $8.00 3.0 $7.00 2.0 Male & Female Single Female Single Male Male & Female Single Female Single Male Hshld Hshld Hshld Hshld Chart 6.10: Per Person Daily Food Chart 6.11: Statistical Significance of Expenditures (USD) by House Type Household Type by Average Food Expenditures (p<.05) Male & Female Expenditures on Food by Household Head and Income Contributors We next examine the influence of the new typology 'sex of first and second income contributors.' In Table 6.12 we see that those households where women are primary contributors of income spend more money on food than other households. But as seen in the following sections on who controls the household budget, this does not necessarily mean that women are more inclined than men to spend money on family nutrition. Chart 6.12: Average Daily Food Expenditures (USD) by Gender of Principal 2 Breadwinners $15.00 $10.40 $11.36 $9.02 $9.87 $10.88 $9.84 $10.00 $8.50 $8.18 $5.00 $0.00 Unknown Female Female, Female, Male Male, Male, Male All Female Male Female Categories  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 29 Male vs. Female Control Over the Household Budget Women in Haiti are traditionally the custodians of the household budget, we know this from the ethnographic literature (Murray 1977; Smucker 1983; Lowenthal 1987; Schwartz 2000). Only in the case of Single Male-Headed Households--that, as seen, have few resident women and for the most part do not classify as functioning household--do women control the budget in less than 50% of cases. Overall, in 71% of all households it is a woman who controls the budget (Chart 6.13 & 6.14). The upshot is that when present, women are overwhelmingly the custodians of the budget; and the more women contribute the more pronounced is the relationship. Chart 6.13: Woman Manages Household Budget by Household Type All Households 71% Single Female Hshld 91% Male & Female 71% Single Male Hshld 16% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Chart 6.14: Female Manager of Budget by Gender of 1st and 2nd Contributors of Income All Households 71% Male 1st & Male 2nd 31% Male 1st & Unknown 2nd 53% Male 1st & Female 2nd 75% Female 1st & Male 2nd 86% Female 1st & Female 2nd 97% Female 1st & Unknown 2nd 97% Unknown 88% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 120%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 30 Female Control of the Budget and Household Expenditures on Food Despite the fact that we have seen that Single Female Headed Households tend to spend more on food than Male-Female Headed Households, when we examine expenditures in lieu of who controls the budget it appears that males in our sample spend more on food (Chart 6.15 & 6.16). Chart 6.15: Gender of Who Controls the Budget by Per Person Expenditures $3.50 $3.00 $1.94 $2.50 $1.75 $2.00 $1.50 $1.00 Female Male Missing =235 Chart 6.16: Food Expenditures Per household by Gender of Who Controls Budget $11.00 $10.50 $10.30 $9.93 $10.00 $9.50 $9.00 $8.50 $8.00 Female Male One possible critique of the finding is lower presence of adult females in these household and the fact, seen earlier, that Single Male Headed households are much smaller than those with women co-heads or those with no man at all. But as seen in Chart 6.17, even if we reduce the correlation to expenditures per person and isolate in the analysis Household types we still find that males who control the budget tend to spend more than females. The relationship is not, for the sample size, statistically significant--as seen in the Chart 6.17. Moreover, it may still be true that women in control of the budget better feed the household by virtue of their role as marketers and access to better prices and trading partners. Nevertheless, the observation casts doubt on the assumption that Haitian women are more inclined to spend money on food for the household than their male counterparts.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 31 Chart 6.17: Comparison of Per Person Hshld Food Expenditures by Gender that Controls Budget and $3.50 Single Male HdHshld (p < .05) $3.00 $2.50 $2.40 $2.00 $1.90 $2.00 $1.95 $1.81 $1.50 $1.00 $0.50 $0.00 Female Controls Male Controls Single Male Not Family of All Households Budget Budget Headed Respondent Chores Another area of analytic interest is the impact of female economic status within the household on who is performing chores. In Table 6.15 we see that adult women and girls assume the bulk of the responsibility for household labor. Table 6.15: Who is the Primary Performer of Household Tasks by Sex and Age Man and All No Women Everyone Woman Men Girls Boys Children One Fetches Water 25% 27% 7% 12% 11% 8% 6% 2% Washes Clothes 57% 13% 6% 6% 10% 2% 2% 0% Washes Dishes 47% 12% 5% 5% 21% 2% 4% 0% Child Care 28% 14% 10% 3% 4% 1% 1% 32% Takes Children to School 16% 5% 6% 6% 2% 2% 0% 50% Store Purchases 36% 24% 16% 6% 6% 4% 3% 2% Cleans House 55% 12% 6% 5% 14% 2% 3% 0% Plans Meals 58% 5% 19% 12% 2% 1% 0% 1% Works Outside Home 33% 4% 30% 18% 1% 2% 0% 10% Market Purchases 26% 15% 15% 8% 4% 3% 1% 22% Makes Meals 63% 11% 6% 5% 9% 1% 1% 0%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 32 Female Economic Contributions and Male Participation in Domestic Chores In Chart 6.18 we use the single chore of "washing dishes" to evaluate the impact that female financial contributions have on the probability that males will participate. What we find is a clear and direct relationship between male contributions to washing dishes and the economic power of women: the more women contribute the more males help wash dishes; the less women contribute the less likely males are to participate in dish washing. The relationship is especially noteworthy as it stands out even without controlling for the fact that households with only female income contributors have fewer males present to wash dishes while households with only male contributors have fewer females. Chart 6.18: Females Only Wash Dishes by Gender of 1st and 2nd Income Contributors (Single Male Headed Hshlds Excluded) 100.0% 90.0% 77.2% 78.7% 80.0% 69.8% 70.0% 66.5% 64.3% 60.0% 50.0% 41.4% 40.0%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 33 Male Control Over Women When preparing the survey, we wanted to know to what degree men directly control Table 6.16: Who Has Final Say the behavior of women in terms of decision Sleeps in making, geographic mobility and Person with the Big participation in community action and Final Say House Decisions development activities. We assumed that Woman 19% 24% male repression would be manifest in their own and other opinions of who makes Man 33% 27% major household decisions, who wins Man & Woman 37% 42% arguments, if and who has to ask Other 11% 7% permission of whom to travel or join an organization. In Table 6.16 we see that men do tend to prevail in making major decisions and have the final word on who sleeps in the house. But for other responses we once again--despite knowing that woman are relatively prominent in the domestic sphere--got a surprise. Whether the respondent was a male or female, they reported that the woman tends to win arguments with her partner more often than the man (Chart 6.19 & 6.20). When we examine the relationship in light of first and second financial contributors to the household (6.21) we find a clear relationship between whether a woman is an argument winner and the place of women in the household as economic contributors. In households where both 1st and 2nd contributor is a woman, females are three times more likely to be reported the usual argument winners: in 61% of cases the woman was reported as the usual winner and in 19% of cases the man was the usual winner. In contrast, when 1st and 2nd contributors are men, women are less likely to be the argument winner by a ratio of 3 to 2: in 47% of the cases the man is usually the winner and in 33% of cases the women was reported as the usual winner. Note however, that while the trend was clearly associated with female economic status, in every category except those where both economic contributors are male the woman was more often the usual winner. Compromise was approximately equal response for all the categories. Chart 6.19: Who Usually Wins Chart 6.20: Who Usually Wins Arguments by Sex Arguments Between Partners Respondents (for all respondents with Female (n=602) Male (n=650) partners; n = 1,252) 60% 50% 42% 50% 38% 50% 44% 40% 40% 34% 31% 30% 30% 22% 20% 18% 20% 20% 10% 10% 0% 0% Compromise Male Wins Female Wins  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 34 Chart 6.21: Winner of Arguments 70% with partner by Sex and 1st & 2nd Income Contributors 61% 60% 45% 47% 47% Winner 50% 41% 44% 41% 37% Compromise 40% 34% 32% 33% 30% Woman 19% 20% Male 10% 0% Female Female & Female Male Male & Male Male Female Unknown Male Female Unknown Chi Sq p < .000 Women also appear to be less under the control of their spouse than vice versa. Women reported asking permission to travel or to join an organization less frequently than men (Chart 6.22 & 6.23); women, rather than men, are more often the person who is being asked permission (Tables 6.17, 6.18, & 6.18); and even when respondents are told "no"-- that they cannot travel or join an organization--women reported being more likely to do so anyway (Charts 6.24. & 6.25). In summary, we found that males not only control or repress women less than we expected, women appear to do most of the controlling, of both sexes. vii Chart 6.22: Must Ask Permission to Chart 6.23: Must Ask Permission to Visit Family Far-Away by Sex of Join an Organization Respondent 72% 70% 80% 80% 68% 78% 64% 64% 75% 60% Female (n=820) Male (n=823) Female (n=820) Male (n=823)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 35 Table 6.17: Needs to Ask Permission to Visit Table 6.18: Needs to Ask Permission to Join Faraway by Sex Organization by Sex Permission Seeker Permission Seeker Female Male Both Sexes Permission Female Male Total Permission Giver (n=692) (n=759) (n=1,451) Giver (n=582) (n=559) (n=1,241) Male (n=620) 70% 18% 43% Male (n=526) 72% 16% 42% Female (n=831) 30% 82% 57% Female (n=715) 28% 84% 58% Table 6.19: Who asks permission of Who (more than one possible response; n = 1513, missing = 2) Visit Family Far Way Join an Organization Female Male Total Female Male Total Permission Giver (n=693) (n=798) 1,495 (n=693) (n=798) 1,495 Grandfather 0 1 1 1 1 2 Grandmother 2 4 6 2 4 6 Uncle 4 5 9 4 2 6 Not Family 3 7 10 3 3 6 Unspec, Family 13 12 25 8 9 17 Cousin 7 20 27 6 18 24 Aunt 16 20 36 10 17 27 Sister 26 26 52 15 29 44 Brother 17 39 56 24 34 58 Daughter 58 27 85 49 29 78 Son 56 30 86 56 23 79 Father 43 60 103 36 45 81 Mother 105 162 267 85 122 207 Husband 365 - 365 300 - 300 Wife - 385 385 - 353 353 Chart 6.24: Sex of Those Who Chart 6.25: Sex of Those Who Would Visit Even if Told "No" Would Join Even if Told "No" 12% Female (n=640) Female (n=526) 10% 13% 14% Male (n=580) 10% Male (n=662) 12% 8% 7% 10% 6% 8% 6% 6% 4% 4% 2% 2% 0% 0%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 36 Violation of Female Property and Ownership To get an idea of the extent to which women are denied autonomous control over property we asked the men and women sampled if, since the earthquake, anyone had taken or sold the respondent's belongings without being asked. The objective was to measure the extent to which other family members, particularly male spouses, respect--or disrespect-- female economic autonomy. We left the question open, meaning we asked not just if family or a husband took their belongings without permission, but if anyone had taken their belongings. We also asked the same question of men. As can be seen in Chart 6.26 and Table 6.20, what we found was that women do suffer more property violations than men; but it was not family who was taking their goods. It was non family We did not ask specifically about the identity of non-family, but the greater losses that women suffer is likely a reflection of female involvement in itinerant marketing and their consequent exposure to petty thievery on buses and in markets If in looking at Tablet 6.20 we only consider losses to family, men report suffering almost three times as many losses as women: 43 for men to 17 for women. Perhaps most interesting of all, however, is that in the three year wake of one of the greatest disasters in human history, a time when we have been told that wanton crime has swept through Port-au-Prince (Kolbe et. al. 2010; Kolbe and Muggah 2012; Numbeo 2013), only 20% of our 1,643 respondents reported anything at all being taken from them. Similarly, out of 820 female respondents and 823 male, only one woman and one man reported that a spouse had taken anything belonging to them without their consent. Chart 6.26: Respondents who have Table 6.20: Respondents who report had Goods Taken Since the that Someone Took Something from Earthquake them Since Earthquake Person Who 25% 23% Took Female Male Both 20% 17% Not Family 169 100 269 15% Relative unlisted 15 35 50 10% Cousin 1 6 7 Brother 0 1 1 5% Husband 1 0 1 0% Wife 0 1 1 Female (n=820) Male (n=823) Grand Total 820 823 1643 Female Dependency on Men In this next to final section of Households we see that in the opinions of the men and women sampled it is not women, but men who are more often thought of as the most materially dependent on their spouse. When asked about material interdependency of spouses--meaning dependency for survival and maintenance of the household's livelihood strategies and posed as the question ,"who needs the other more, a husband needs his wife or a wife is in greater need of her husband"--three fourths of all respondents said that men and women need one another equally (Chart 6.27). But if we only consider those who said that either men or women were  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 37 more dependent, twice as many respondents said that men need women more than vice versa (ibid). Moreover, when asked directly if they can live without having a spouse 51% of all women vs. 12% of all men said yes (Chart 6.28). Put another way, 49% of women said they could not manage without their husband, but 88% of men said they could not manage without their wife. When we considered only those respondents who have been or currently are in union the figure is 46% of women who said they can get by without their husband versus only 10% of men who said they can get by without their wife (Chart 6.29). The relationship was independent of where the person lived--urban, peri-urban or in the countryside--indicating there was little difference between declared independence of the respondent and the degree of urbanization in the area where he or she lived (Table 6.21). Thus, in the aggregate men in the studied communities overwhelmingly believe they need their spouse, whether the wife has income or not; on the other hand, about half of women view themselves as able to survive without their husband. The women explained their independence (Table 6.22) in terms of their own financial resources (67%) and support from their children (24%). 90% 85% 6.27: Which Spouse Needs 77% 80% the Other More: 69% 70% Man or Woman 60% 50% Female (n=820) 40% 30% 21% Male (n=823) 20% 16% 11% 10% 7% 10% 4% Men and Women 0% (n=1.643) Men Need Women They Both Need Women Need Men More Each Other Equally More Chart 6.28: "Yes" Can "Live" Without a Spouse 60% 51% (all respondents) 50% 40% 30% 20% 12% 10% 0% Female (n=820) Male (n=823) All Respondents  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 38 Chart 6.29: "Yes" Can Live Without Having a Spouse For Respondents in Union 50% 46% 40% 30% 20% 10% 10% 0% Female (n=498) Male (n=470) Respondents in Union Table 6.21: Count of Respondents Who Can Live Without Spouse by Location Location Sex Yes Female 45% City Male 9% Female 44% Countryside Male 9% Female 49% Peri-Urban Male 13% Table 6.22: Reasons Respondents can Live Without Spouse Has Own Has Children To Resources Lean On Other Female (n=230) 67% 24% 9% Male (n=49) 86% 14% 0% Both (279) 70% 23% 7% Who Works the Hardest A final point we found in the surveys in interpreting the differential dependency of men and women and contributions to the household has to do with the way respondents view the work efforts of men vs. women. The conspicuous role of women in domestic labor and frequent sight of women walking with burdens on their heads leads many observers to assume that popular class Haitian women work harder than men and, by corollary that, that men are not working as hard--another contributing element to the international image of Haitian women as repressed (e.g. Bell 2001).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 39 And it may be true that the women are working Chart 6.32: Sex of All People harder. But respondents in Carrefour and Leogane did not report seeing the situation in Respondents Identified as this way. In Table 6.22 and Charts 6.32 thru Working the Hardest 6.34 we see that no matter who is the Female, respondent, male or female, and no matter if 35% talking about him or herself, someone else, or if Male , we only consider those respondents who 65% identify someone else in the house as the hardest working member of the household, a consistent 63%-77% of those people who are seen as the hardest working in the household are (n =1,567; non-family and "other" = 76) male; 33% to 37% are female. Chart 6.33: Sex of Respondents Self Identifying as Working the Hardest Table 6.23: Who Respondents Say Works Hardest Person Number Percent Female, Grandfather 1 0% Male, 36% Grandmother 5 0% 64% Uncle 19 1% Aunt 24 1% Sister 24 1% Cousin 25 2% n=855 Daughter 26 2% Son 32 2% Brother 44 3% Chart 6.34: Sex of Other People Wife 48 3% 0, 0% Respondents Identified as Working the Other 51 3% Hardest Father 89 5% Mother 109 7% Female, Husband 291 18% 33% Respondent 855 52% Male, 67% Grand Total 1,643 100% n=712  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 40 Conclusion I in the Review of the Literature it was seen that researchers have long noted the prominent role of women in the Haitian economy. Anthropologists doing longitudinal ethnographic research report that women overwhelmingly control local retail marketing; and tantamount to a cultural rule in Haiti is that the household is the domain of women. We also saw that at least one study found that in rural areas Female Headed Households are four times less likely to be "extremely poor" than are Male Head Households. In this first section of the analysis we have seen that similar patterns prevail in Leogane and Carrefour. We found that rural Single Female-Headed Households were materially on par Male-Female Headed Households; but somewhat surprisingly, we also found that urban and peri-urban Single Female-Headed Households in our samples were materially as well, or better, off than households where both a male and female head is present. We also found that in many households women are among the primary financial contributors and, even when not, women are usually in control of household budgets. With respect to repression of females, we saw in the Review of the Literature that the EMMUS report women prevailing in most household decision making processes, exercising a large degree of control over their own income and the family budget, and being the primary disciplinarians of children. What we did not get from the EMMUS and other studies, and we do get to at least some degree from the present study, is information on the degree to which men are not part of the decision making process and must answer to women. What we found is that men more often lose arguments to their spouse, they more often feel the need to ask permission to travel or join an organization and, if told no, they are less likely than women to disobey. We also found that household members, including males, more often defer to women for permission to travel or join an organization. In short, men in our samples appear more submissive to their wives than vice versa. Moreover, both male and female respondents more frequently thought that men were more in need of their spouse than vice versa and when asked if they could manage without their spouse men were far more likely to say no. Despite male dependency on their wives and the prominent role of women and girls as carrying the greater burden in performing domestic chores, both men and women more often reported a male as the hardest working members of the household. The significance of these findings in making aid more effective is that many organizations, including CARE, made Female Headship a criterion for receiving aid in post-earthquake Haiti. The assumption is that female-headed households rather than male, or joint male- female headed households, a) depend on income from women who have fewer opportunities than men and hence and b) are in greater material and nutritional need. But, what we saw in this section is that when we speak of "female headed households" in Léogâne and Carrefour, there arguably may be no other type of household. Moreover, in understanding the prominence of "Single Female Headed Households," it helps to note that the image that often springs to mind is of a desperate single young mother with children. But many female household heads in the Carrefour and Léogâne samples may better be described as middle aged matriarchs orchestrating the work activities of older children, receiving money from them and from multiple other sources; women who are as capable of earning their own money via marketing as many of the men around them; and certainly more important than the men in terms of managing the household and the people who live in it.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 41 7. Gender and Violence As seen in the Review of the Literature, Haiti has been presented as one of the most female repressive countries on the planet. The point is especially poignant since the 2010 earthquake. Grass roots NGOs, human rights organizations, and the international press have reported physical and sexual violence against popular class Haitian women in excess of that reported for the Western Congo, site of what can only be called a current rape holocaust. In the surveys we attempted to clarify these issues. Regarding domestic violence, in lieu of the prominent role that women play in the domestic and local economy there is good reason to question the portrayal of Haitian women as extremely repressed. Intuitively, we can expect popular class Haitian women to be aggressive in defending their commercial interests and domestic status. We saw in the literature review that some anthropologists have in fact report them to as or more violent than their spouses. Moreover, our understanding of gender based violence in Haiti is skewed by inherent bias in at least some of the major surveys on gender. For example, the Haiti Demographic and Health Surveys (EMMUS) make no mention of female aggression toward men; men are not asked if they have been subject to assault from their wives; nor are women asked about their own participation in violence. The effect, whether intended or not, is to present women as passive victims. Regarding, extra-domestic violence against women, since the 1991-1994 military junta, through the 2004 coup, and up to the 2010 earthquake, there have been reports from activists, human rights organizations, and scholars of epidemic levels of extra-domestic rape (Kolbe et. al 2010, Amnesty International 2011). The claims have been widely repeated in the international media (Miami Herald 2004; NYT 2007; AP 2010; Huffington Post 2010; CNN 2012). Following the 2010 earthquake reports of epidemic rape intensified and many of the NGO programs since that time have focused specifically on addressing the issue----including CAREs work in Leogane and Carrefour. To clarify issues associated with domestic and extra-domestic violence, we included in the Leogane and Carrefour surveys questions regarding which sex respondents believe are most at fault for domestic violence, about physical violence at the hands of family and partners and in the analysis we examine the probability of occurrence of domestic violence in lieu economic indicators. To clarify the issue of rape and extra-domestic violence against women we asked respondents how many people they knew who had been raped since the 2010 earthquake, and then drawing on that information we used the technique known as "scaling up" to gain an approximate estimate of the incidence of rape. We also asked questions regarding informants views on security and about knowledge of recourse to services for victims and laws meant to protect women from violent assault.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 42 Respondent Views on Gender and Cause of Domestic Violence Chart 7.1: Who Respondents Believe is most We began by asking the general question often the Cause of Male Vilence Against who is more often the cause of violence 80% Women 74% against 'women, men or women?' 61% of 60% 51% 49% respondents said women are more at fault. When examined by sex of 40% 26% respondent, men more often blamed women; the figures were 74% of men 20% who said women were more often blame 0% vs. 26% of men who said it was more Men are more the cause Woman are more the often the man's fault. Women were more cause divided: 51% vs. 49% said that men were Female (n=820) Male (n=823) more often the cause of violence against women (Chart 7.1). Frequency of Violence and Protagonist To measure the extent to which both men and women suffer or participate in violence we asked both males and females about violent attacks. The specific two questions we used to begin the inquiry were, "when was the last time you were beaten?" followed by, "who was the person who beat you?" We used this question because of the expediency of not having to document and clarify multiple violent incidences per respondent, i.e. it was easier to simply ask about the last violent incident. We formulated the question using the Creole word, bat, "beaten," which is the word used in physically attacking and dominating another person. Note that unless the punishment is very severe, children are considered to be whipped (kale). The reason we posed the question in this way is to bias the respondents interest toward physical violence as an adult. We were not specifically interested in child punishment. Nevertheless, because of relatively low overall incidences of aggression we also include in the analysis the response "beaten as a child"-- indicating severe corporal punishment as a child. What we found was that in every category except the past three years men suffer more from violence than women (Table 7.1): men were more likely to be beaten as a child and more likely to be beaten as an adult. Note however that 58% of women and 44% of men claim to never have been beaten in their lives, even as a child. This is significantly less than reported in EMMUS studies, and the reason is likely because the EMMUS consider any corporal punishment of children, not the "bat"--beaten--seen above. Table 7.1: Last Time Beaten by Sex of Respondent Female Male Total Last Time Beaten Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent In the past 3 years 62 8% 43 5% 105 6% Adult but 3 + Years Past 34 4% 72 9% 106 6% When a Child 249 30% 345 42% 594 36% Never 475 58% 363 44% 838 51%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 43 Identity and Sex of Aggressors When we looked at who was the aggressor in violent acts (Table 7.2 & Chart 7.2), we found that 43% are women vs. 48% that are men; in 9% of reported incidents the sex of the aggressor was unknown, a side effect of not asking sex specific information for cousins and non-family. The high number of women is a reflection of their prominent role in the household and as family disciplinarian: 90% of the females identified aggressors were the respondent's mother or grandmother (75% of male aggressors were Fathers). Table 7.2: Person Who Beat Respondent the Last Time He/ She was Beaten Who Got Beaten Female Male Total Who Did the Beating Number Percent Number (n=400) Percent Number (n=519) Percent (n=918) Mother or Gran 154 39% 200 39% 354 39% Father 123 1% 208 40% 331 36% Husband/Wife 65 17% 9 2% 74 8% Teacher 12 3% 30 6% 42 5% Brother 11 3% 12 2% 23 3% Aunt 7 2% 10 2% 17 2% Uncle 4 1% 12 2% 16 2% Stranger 2 1% 13 3% 15 2% Boyfriend/girlfriend 7 2% 2 0% 9 1% Sister 5 1% 4 1% 9 1% Son or Daughter 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Cousin 0 0% 5 1% 5 1% Police 0 0% 5 1% 5 1% Grandfather 0 0% 1 0% 1 0% Other 6 2% 8 2% 14 2% Chart 7.2: Sex of Violent Protagonists (918 cases) 60% 48% 50% 43% 40% 30% 20% 9% 10% 0% Female Male Unknown  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 44 Spousal Abuse/Violence Against Respondent If we eliminate the categories for 'beaten as a child' and only consider the 223 reported cases of respondents beaten as an adult, 65 (33%) of the known aggressors were women and 135 (67%) were men (Table 7.3). Very significantly we see that 65 women were beaten by their husbands. This means that of 572 women ever in union, 65 (or 11%) had been beaten by their husbands. Not to be overlooked, of 539 men ever in union, 9 (or 2%) had been beaten by their wives. Table 7.3: Person who Beat the Respondent for Adults and Last Three Years Only Who Beat You as an Adult or within Female Male Husband the Past 3 Years 65 0 Mother or Grandmother 10 29 Father 10 38 Stranger 1 10 Teacher 1 9 Wife 0 9 Other 0 6 Aunt 0 3 Grandmother 0 2 Police 0 5 Cousin 0 5 Uncle 0 3 Boyfriend/girlfriend 4 2 Brother 3 3 Sister 2 1 Son or Daughter 0 1 Grandfather 0 1 Total 96 127 Male Spouse Violence Against Female Respondent by Female Household Financial Contributions Chart 7.3 shows that, while not statistically significant given the sample size, there is nevertheless a strong suggestion that a woman is more likely to have been beaten by her husband if she is a primary or secondary contributor of household income. This seems at first to be counterintuitive. When designing the questionnaire and in discussion with CARE staff, we expected that the less a woman contributed financially to a household the more likely she would be subjected to physical violence from her spouse. In view of our finding, an alternative explanation may be that the more economically powerful a woman is the more likely she is to enter into a violent conflict with her spouse. This may be because of aggression or resentment on the part of her husband or it may be because the woman has more to defend, is more confident in because of her high economic status, and hence is more likely herself to be an aggressor; or perhaps better phrased, she is more likely to be a violent defendant or a combatant rather than a passive victim.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 45 Chart 7.3: Woman was Beaten by her Spouse by First 15% and Second Contributors of Household Income (p < .05) 10% 6.92% 5% 4.90% 5.74% 4.34% 2.82% 1.34% 0% Female Female Female Male Male Male Male Unknown Female Male Female Unknown Spousal Violence (Against Respondent) and Degree of Urbanization Similar to the counter intuitive finding that the more a woman contributes financially to the household the more likely she is to have been beaten by her spouse, the data suggests, contrary to expectations, that domestic violence in the city is less common than among rural couples. However, the relationship is not, given the sample size, statistically significant (Charts 7.4 & 7.5). Chart 7.4: Domesitic Violence by Chart 7.5: Domestic Violence by Urbanization (City, Countryside, Urbanization (Countryside vs Peri- Peri-Urban: p < .05) 25% Urban & City: p < .05) 25% 20% 16.9% 20% 15% 16.9% 12.1% 15% 10% 8.8% 10% 9.9% 5% 5% 0% 0% City Countryside Peri-Urban Countryside Peri & City Domestic Violence Against the Respondent vs. Socio-Economic Status In Charts 7.6 thru 7.8 we also test the correlation between domestic violence and Socio- Economic Status. In this case we included as proxy indicators of domestic violence the categories of "Beaten as Adult by Spouse or Lover," "Beaten as Adult by Person Other than Spouse or Lover," "Beaten as a Child," and "Never Beaten." As proxy measures of socio- economic status we used ,"Amount Spent per Month on Tuition for Oldest Resident Child," as well as "Roof" and "Latrine" types. Households where no money was spent on child's education were omitted because of the confounding factor of no children in the household. As seen in Chart 7.6 people beaten by spouse or lover and people beaten as children were more likely to live in households where less money was spent on education than those people who had never been beaten or who reported being last beaten by someone other than spouse or lover. The relationship was statistically significant.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 46 Chart 7.6: Mean Household Monthly Educational Expenditures on Oldest Child by Aggressor in Last Incidence of Domestic Violence $23 $21 $20.28 $20.00 $19 $17 $17.80 $17.89 $15 As an adult by When a child by As an adult by non Never beaten spouse or lover parent or other spouse For Roof Type (Chart 7.7) we only tested the relationship with "Beaten by Spouse or Lover." We Chart 7.7: found that respondents living under a tarp were twice Beaten by Spouse or Lover by as likely to have been beaten by a spouse or lover as Type of Roof those living under a concrete roof. Those living under 16% a tin roof were 35% more likely than those living 14% under a concrete roof to have been beaten by a spouse 12% or lover. Neither relationship was, given the sample 10% size, statistically significant. This is arguably because 8.3% 8% very few people in the sample (7%) lived under 6% 4.0% 5.4% tarps. 4% 2% For Latrine Type (Chart 7.8) we again tested all four 0% formulated categories of domestic violence. The only Concrete Tin Tarp relationship statistically significant is the rather quizzical finding that people with only a "hole" or "no latrine" were more likely to report never to have been beaten at all.viii Chart 7.8: Type of Household Latrine by Last Incidence of Domestic Violence Flush Toilet Block Latrine Wood, hole or none 60% 56% 48% 50% 40% 40% 47% 40% 29% 30% 20% 7% 8% 9% 6% 6% 10% 4% 0% As an adult by non When a child by As an adult by Never beaten spouse parent or other spouse or lover  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 47 Reasons for Violence Against Respondent In Table 7.4 it can be seen that when we consider all motivations for "beatings", the most common are economic (24%) and then jealousy (19%). If we consider only motivation for beatings as an adult (Table 7.5), the overwhelmingly most common motivation is jealousy (57% of cases). Very interestingly, 71% of women and 88% of men said that they deserved their last beating (Table 7.6 & 7.7). Table 7.4: Why Beaten for All Cases Respondents Female Male Total (n=345 cases) (n=460 cases) (n= 805 cases) Response Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Argument Over Money 4 1% 7 2% 11 1% Over a Lover 16 5% 8 2% 24 3% Argument Over Words 27 8% 62 13% 89 11% Jealousy 66 19% 13 3% 79 10% Because of chores/work 82 24% 131 28% 213 26% Other 150 43% 239 52% 389 48% Grand Total 345 100% 460 100% 805 100% Table 7.5: Why Beaten for Adults or Within Past 3 Years Only Female Male Grand Total (n=96 cases) (n=115 cases) (n=211 cases) Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Money 4 4% 4 3% 8 4% Lover 2 2% 3 3% 5 2% Jealousy 55 57% 12 10% 67 32% Words 15 16% 18 16% 33 16% Chores/wor 5 5% 30 26% 35 17% kOther 15 16% 48 42% 63 30% Grand Total 96 100% 115 100% 211 100% Table 7.6: If Respondent Believes Beating Was Deserved Female Male Grand Total (n=345 cases) (n=460 cases) (n= 805 cases) Response Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent No 99 29% 56 12% 155 19% Yes 246 71% 404 88% 650 81% Grand Total 345 100% 460 100% 805 100%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 48 Table 7.7: of If Respondent Believes it Was Deserved for Adults or Within Past 3 Years Only Female Male Grand Total (n=96 cases) (n=115 cases) (n= 212 cases) Response Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent No 61 64% 35 30% 96 45% Yes 35 36% 80 70% 115 54% Grand Total 96 100% 115 100% 211 100% Respondent Violence Against Others Given the scarcity of survey data on the role of popular class Haitian women as instigators and even aggressors in violent incidents, we turned the issue around and asked respondents when was the last time they attacked someone else. In posing the questions we used the colloquial phrase, denye fwa ou te bay yon moun yon kalot. In light of the cultural-specific emphasis Haitians place on the word kalot and the aggressiveness and humiliation associated with actually slapping somone, the most accurate English translation of the phrase is, "the last time you slapped the shit out of someone." In Table 7.8, we see that for the category, "more than three years ago" men were twice as likely as women to have "slapped the shit of someone": 6% of men saying that as an adult but more than 3years in the past they had slapped someone vs. 3% of women who said so. But for the past three years--the time since the earthquake--the trend changes rather dramatically. A steady 6% of males still reported having "slapped" someone in the past three years; but the same number of women, 6%, reported having "slapped" someone. In effect, the proportion of women who report having violently attacked someone since the earthquake doubled, reaching the same level of aggression as men report (to 6%). We also see in Table 7.9 that while only 1% of men reported aggression toward their wife or girlfriend, four times as many women report having attacked their boyfriend or husband (7 versus 33 cases); Overall, both men and women reported low incidence of violence against unknown members of the opposite sex, and men are twice as likely to have "slapped the shit" out of another man as women are to have "slapped the shit" out of another woman. The reasons behind the violence were not adequately captured in the survey. Table 7.8: Aggression Against Others by Sex As and Adult 3 + Within 3 When Respondent Sex of Respondent Years Past years was a Child Never Female (n= 820) 2.7% (22) 5.9% (48) 12.1% (99) 79.4% (651) Male (n =823) 6.1% (50) 6.1% (50) 18.8% (155) 69.0% (568) Table 7.9: Identity of People Respondents Attacked Known Boy/girl friend Stranger but Known but or Related unspecified Unrelated Unrelated Sex of Respondent Husband/Wife Female Sex Female Male Female (n= 820) 4.0% (33) 1.2% (10) 7.2% (59) 6.7% (55) 1.6% (13) Male (n =823) 0.9% (7) 0.4% (3) 13.4% (110) 1.5% (12) 14.9% (123)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 49 Rape Back Ground of the Rape Epidemic Shortly after the earthquake grassroots organizations such as KOFAVIV began reporting alarming levels of sexual violence against women (KOFAVI 2010; Amnesty International 2011). Six weeks after the earthquake, University of Michigan and Geneva Small Arms Survey conducted an 1,800 household survey and reported that an estimated 3% of all women in popular neighbors and camps had been raped--in six weeks (Kolbe et. al. 2010). As touched on in the Review of the Literature, there are grounds to be skeptical of the data-- from both sources. SOFA and Kay Fanm, two feminist organizations also working in the camps after the earthquake, report not being able to corroborate the KOFAVIV findings ix The academic surveyors for University of Michigan and Geneva Small Arms Survey study asked respondents-- strangers to them-- the intrusive question: "Has anyone in the house been sexually assaulted in the past month?" If the response was positive they asked details. x The first problem with this approach is the assumption that respondents are going to indulge strangers with accurate details of sexual attacks on them or their family members. But from the standpoint of accurate data, an even more pressing problem--for both the survey and KOFAVIV data--comes from the fact that for 20 years being a rape victim has qualified thousands of impoverished women in Port-au- Prince to be an aid recipient. Since 1994 a series of USAID, UN, and NGO funded 'viktim' programs have subsidized women who report having been raped. At its height during the 1990s, 14,000 impoverished female rape victims were on USAID subsidies. The program's economic impact on the recipients was enough that when the subsidies were suspended--6 years after they began--thousands of "viktim" marched through the Port-au-Prince streets, some holding placards that read "Long Live Subsidies for Victim" (see James 2010 for a full description of the politicization of "viktim" during the 1990s and the subsequent "viktim" movement). Following the earthquake the move to provide aid and assistance to victims of sexual assault again became widespread, including US University law professors who went into IDP camps and searched for rape victims, spreading the word that those who had been raped may qualify for humanitarian visas (see Fox News 2010). Whether the "viktim" programs were good or bad, appropriate or misguided, is beside the point; as researchers we cannot responsibly gainsay the impact on informant accuracy of giving subsidies to a subpopulation of the most impoverished mothers in the Western hemisphere. Estimating the Number of People Raped In an effort to avoid signaling to respondents they may have a chance to capture aid--and to avoid intruding on their personal lives--we employed a technique different than that used in the University of Michigan and Geneva Small Arms Survey study cited above. Instead of asking specifically about the respondent or people in the household, we asked, 'if, since the earthquake, the respondent knew anyone at all who had been raped.' We operationalized the definition "know" so that we could use it in a more elaborate statistical inference described shortly. Specifically, we explained to respondents that what "to know someone" meant was, 1) you recognize the person and the person recognizes you 2) you know their name and they know yours 3) you have talked to them at least once since the earthquake 4) you could contact them now if you needed to  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 50 What we found was that of 1,643 respondents, only 99 (6%) knew anyone who had been raped since the earthquake. In other words, we found that fewer men and women even knew a person who had been raped than other studies implied had been raped (Table 7.8). Table 7.8: People Who Know At Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Commune Commune No Yes Carrefour 777 57 Leogane 767 43 Total 1544 99 The rape reports were so low and potentially so controversial that after the Leogane survey was completed, and before the Carrefour survey began, we discussed the issue with CARE staff. We then sat down with the surveyors and reviewed the question to make sure that there was no possible misunderstanding about what was meant by "rape" vyol (forced sexual intercourse that included penetration of mouth, anus or vagina). We also got assurances that they had and would continue to carefully explain to respondents exactly what was meant by "rape." We also called a subsample of Leogane respondents on the telephone and explored their understanding of what "vyol" meant so that we could be sure that we were capturing "sexual attacks." We still got similar results for both Carrefour and Leogane (Table 7.9). xi We suspected that maybe the under-reporting of rape had something to do with age categories and the low numbers of young people in the sample. But as seen in Table 7.9, the frequency of reported rapes was generally consistent across all age categories. We also recognized that despite training and despite the heavy emphasis we placed on the importance of the rape question, it is sometimes the case with politically or morally charged issues that some surveyors will explain and pursue a question adequately to make all respondents understand; others not enough; and others tend to cajole answers that would otherwise be negative. In Tables 7.10 it can be seen that there was indeed variation among the number of positive responses per surveyor. But even if we were to take the most extreme case and generalize it to all the surveyors, the results are far less than expected based on reports cited above. Specifically, if we take the surveyor with the highest reported number of known rape victims (19) and assign the same result to all the surveyors, we would still get only 16% of our respondents even knowing someone who had been raped in the 3.4 years since the earthquake--that in areas were as much as half the entire population was at one time in camps  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 51 Table 7.9: Respondents who Know at Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Age of Respondents (missing = 14) Number of Female Respondents Number of Male Respondents Age Categories No Yes Age Categories No Yes 18 to 25 (n=203) 190 13 18 to 25 (n=201) 189 12 26 to 35 (n=205) 187 18 26 to 35 (n=204) 190 14 36 to 50 (n=200) 190 10 36 to 50 (n=209) 201 8 50 + (n=203) 190 13 50 + (n=204) 197 7 All Female (n=811) 764 56 All Male (n=818) 780 43 Table 7.10: Respondents Who Know At Least One Person Raped Since Earthquake by Enumerator Who Asked the Question Female Enumerators Male Enumerators Enumerators No Yes Enumerator No Yes Female 1 (n=133) 123 10 Male 1 (n=88) 84 4 Female 2 (n=93) 90 4 Male 2 (n=133) 130 3 Female 3 (n=134) 115 19 Male 3 (n=71) 64 7 Female 4 (n=122) 121 1 Male 4 (n=136) 130 6 Female 5 (n=132) 126 6 Male 5 (n=122) 122 0 Female 6 (n=95) 89 6 Male 6 (n=137) 122 15 Female 7 (n=122) 112 10 Male 7 (n=125) 116 8 Estimating the Actual Numbers of People Raped: "Scaling-Up" The next thing we did was use the intuitively simplistic technique of "scaling up" to estimate the incidence of rape for the population as a whole. Scaling up was developed by methodologists at the University of Florida and widely used in estimating unknown populations elsewhere, such as number of victims of the 1985 Mexican earthquake, illegal immigrant population in California, population of HIV positive people in New York City and, as with the present study, rape victims in developing countries (see Killworth et al. 2006). The technique is intuitively simplistic. What we want to estimate is what proportion of the population has been raped: 1) Our sample statistic for people raped is: "Total number of people that respondents know who have been raped" (Table 7.11): 2) Our sample population is, "The total number of people that all respondents 'know'", as defined earlier on (calculated in Table 7.12). Number of people respondents know who have been raped" The proportion of the population Total number of people that all = that has been respondents know raped  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 52 Network Size The remaining problem is that we must know the average total number of people each respondent "knows," or what Bernard and McCarty (2009) call network size. To estimate network size we drew the four most popular names from the survey population list of names. Because male rape is unreported in this and other surveys in Haiti we restricted our estimations to the female population. The most popular female names found in our surveys were Darlene, Nadege, Gerda, and Guerline. From the survey we knew the proportion of people with those names and so were able to use those proportions to generate secondary estimates of the number of people a person knows (see Table 7.12). For example, with 10 Darlenes in the total sample we calculated that 10/1,643 people have that name. Or because it is a female name, 10/820 women have that name. That means that we estimate 1.22% of the female population is named Darlene. We can generalize from that and expect that if the average person knows 100 women, then the mean number of Darlene's respondents know will be 1.22. If the average person knows 200 people they will know an average of 2.44 Darlenes. Thus, we can invert the logic and ask people how many Darlenes they know and then estimate their female network size. To make the estimate more robust we used four names: Darlene, Guerline, Gerda and Nadege. With the preceding in mind, we then conducted a random survey of 400 people in the Gender Survey target areas (200 in Leogane and 200 in Carrefour) and using results from all four names we calculated the average female network size of at 190.8 people (see Table 7.12) (sample size) x (the female network size)= (total female population known to respondents) (1,643 x 190.8) = =313,649 134/313,649= .00043 This is the estimated proportion of the population that has been raped since the earthquake. To make that estimate comparable to the US rape indices of people raped per 100,000 per year, we did the following. • Since the estimation covers the 3.4 years since the earthquake the figure is divided by 3.4 to achieve an annual rate (.000126). • Putting this figure into the rates per 100,000 population used in the US to gauge rape indices, we get a figure of, 12.64 rapes per year (.000126 * 100,000). • We then divided that figure by 2 because we only calculated females in our Haiti sample while the US rapes per 100,000 includes males in the total population figure (12.64/2 = 6.32). • The result is 6.32 rapes per 100,000 people. The rape rate for the US in 2010 was 27.3 per 100,000: four times our estimate for Leogane and Carrefour. These calculations are only meant to give a general measure of what we found. We have not calculated variance for the estimate or the confidence interval for the error of the mean. Nor do  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 53 we feel that it is appropriate at this point. This was only an exploratory exercise included as part of a broader gender study. But the findings should cause us to reconsider just what is going on regarding the "rape epidemic." Moreover, as seen in the following sections, more general questions regarding rape and security cast a shadow on the validity of reports and surveys regarding rape in post-earthquake Haitian and specifically in the communities studied.xii Table 7.11: Respondents "know" anyone who has been raped since January 12th 2010 Earthquake and Number Known* Total estimated "Yes" Knows Number of people population of someone respondent knows "known" people who has been who have been in sample who raped raped have been raped 76 1 76 16 2 32 4 3 12 3 5 15 99 135 "know" = 1) you know the person and the person knows you (you know their name and they know yours'), 2) you have talked to the person at least once since the earthquake, 3) you could contact the person if you needed to Table 7.12: Deriving Average Female Network Size Names Measures Darlene Gerta/da Nadege Gerline Frequency of people with name in sample of 820 women 10 8 10 9 Proportion in pop with name 0.0122 0.0098 0.0122 0.0110 People with this name per 100 1.22 0.98 1.22 1.10 Observed values in network 2.28 1.85 2.41 2.07 survey Observed known per 100 people 1.87 1.90 1.98 1.89 Estimate female network size 187.2 189.6 197.7 188.7 We then made network estimates. We took the four most popular female names from the 1,643 sample survey (they very neatly fell equally in each are, about 4 to 6 occurrences of each of the names in each county). Then we conducted a 400 person survey (200 in each county) asking people how many women with each name they know ("know" being operationalized as explained in the main text). That survey was a street survey conducted in markets and cross roads by interviewing every third person who came by.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 54 Respondents View on Changing Incidence of Rape When we simply asked respondents what they thought about the increase in rapes since the earthquake, 79% of responses from women and 68% of responses from men fell into the combined categories 'did not know,' 'had not changed,' or 'less since the earthquake' (Chart 7.9). Chart 7.9: Respondents Evaluations of Rape Before vs After Earthquake 60% 54% 50% Respondents 40% Female 32% 30% 26% 25% Male 21% 20% 17% 17% 8% 10% 0% Do not Know More Since the Has Not More Before N= 1,643 Earthquake Changed the Earthquake Missing = 1 Similarly, when we asked respondents to choose from a list of 5 biggest problems to people's security, rape was a distant last with 68 (4%) respondents choosing it (Table 7.13). Table 7.13: Choice of Single Biggest Criminal Problem Female Male Total Thievery 512 516 1028 Political Violence 139 101 240 Other 60 125 185 Violation of rights by others 70 52 122 Rape 39 29 68 Grand Total 820 823 1643 Expected Community Reactions to Rape If the findings reflect what is really going on and there are few actual rapes compared to those reported by some grass roots feminist organizations and activist-scholars, then at least part of the explanation for low incidence of rapes may be the expected reaction when violent rape does occur: 20% of respondents said the likely reaction of people living in their neighborhood to a rape would be to kill or beat the rapist (Chart 7.11). Moreover, the majority of respondents said that the greater shame for rape went to the family of the rapist rather than the victim (Chart 7.10).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 55 Chart 7.10: For Which Family is the Shame Greater: Victim or Rapist 60% 53% 50% 50% Female (n=829, 40% 31% 30% missing =1) 30% 19% 20% 15% Male (n=823) 10% 1% 1% 0% Not a Shame Raped Equal Shame Rapist for the Family Chart 7.11 Most Likely Reaction to a Rape in the Neighborhood 76% 80% 70% 70% Female (n=829, missing =1) 64% 60% Male (n=823) 50% Total (N=1,642, missin=1) 40% 30% 22% 16% 19% 20% 11% 10% 0% 1% 1% 2% 2% 2% 4% 7% 2% 2% 2% 0% Security Responses to questions regarding security echoed the low incidence of sexual assaults seen above. We asked respondents to choose, "what are the two most serious problems young men face today?" (Table 7.14). We gave them five choices: 1) getting an education, 2) getting money, 3) drugs and alcohol, 4) having a pregnant girlfriend and 5) street violence. Violence came out last, mentioned by only 2% of respondents, less than 1% of men and 3% of women. Males themselves saw getting money as the biggest problem for young men and then education; women cited education first and then money as the biggest problems that young men face. When the question was switched and we asked about the two biggest problems for young women (Table 7.15), we got similar results regarding the primacy and order of money and education. The difference was that for women "bearing a fatherless child" was a close third; the threat of street violence was a greater consideration albeit still relatively small at less than 20%; drugs and alcohol were much less of a threat; and, somewhat surprisingly, domestic violence was seen as the least of problems on the list (one likely reason that respondents gave little importance to domestic violence is that many young women are not yet in union). In summary, if we are to  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 56 take a lesson from our Haitian informants, the biggest problems that young people confront in Leogane and Carrefour are not the much violence and social afflictions of drugs and alcohol, but rather getting an education and earning a living. Tablet 7.14: Two Biggest Problems for Young Men (choices given) Female Male Total Education 538 593 1131 Money 574 723 1297 Drugs and Alcohol 466 271 737 Pregnant Girl Friend 130 59 189 Street Violence 25 11 36 (52 extra responses=some surveyors accepted more than two 'biggest problems') Table 7.15: Two Biggest Problems for Young Women (choices given) Female Male Total Education 607 533 1140 Money 478 588 1066 Pregnancy without Spouse 454 321 775 Street Violence 120 58 178 Drugs and Alcohol 38 82 120 Domestic Violence 46 67 113 (54 extra responses because some surveyors took more than two 'biggest problems') Security and Laws If it can be said, based on the data seen above, that there is a wide chasm between what many NGOs, activist-scholars and journalists report regarding violence and insecurity and what people living in greater Port-au-Prince experience in their daily lives, the same can be said for the justice system: we found a wide chasm between the 'letter of the law' and what people know about the law. When we asked if respondents knew about rape laws that have been passed recently, 90% of them knew nothing at all about the topic (Chart 7.12). Of the 10% Chart 7.12: Percentage of who claimed they had heard something Respondents Who Know Nothing of about a rape law, more than half were Last Rape Law 92% wrong about when such a law was passed 90% 88% (Table 7.16). On a more positive note, we found that more than 95% of respondents believed that it was illegal for a man to 70% beat his wife or girlfriend or force her to have sex; 99% believed that it was also 50% illegal for a woman to beat her spouse N=1,643 Female Male (Table 7.17). Also encouraging was that 90% of respondents felt that a woman should report a rape to police (Table 7.18). Perhaps reflective of the low actual incidence of rape, only 1% of respondents were aware of special clinics or services for rape victims (1%: Table 7.19), and fully 54% of women said they did not  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 57 know whether services for rape victims were better before or since the earthquake. Of the 24 people who did know about special clinics and services (Tablet 7.20), 9 cited MSF, and 9 simply said 'clinic.' Table 7.16: When Respondents Think Last Rape Law Passed Year Female(n=95) Male (n=67) Total (n=162) Before 2009 1 37 38 2009 0 6 6 2010 1 3 4 2011 0 7 7 2012 28 7 35 2013 65 7 72 Table 7.17: Respondents Knowledge of Laws Regarding Raping or Beating Girlfriend or Spouse Female Male Female and Male (n=820) (n=823) (N=1,643) Questions Num. Percent Num. Percent Num. Percent Illegal for Man to Beat Wife 798 97% 795 97% 1,593 97% Illegal for Wife to Beat Husband 804 98% 816 99% 1,620 99% Illegal to Force Girlfriend to have sex 789 96% 791 96% 1,580 96% Illegal for Man to Force Wife to have sex 776 95% 788 96% 1,564 95% Table 7.18: What a Woman Should If Raped (Choices Given) Female Male Total (n=819) (n=823) (N=1,642) Nothing 5 1% 1 0% 6 0% See Pastor 1 0% 8 1% 9 1% Other 41 5% 80 10% 121 7% Report it to Police 733 89% 753 91% 1486 90% Go To the Clinic 640 78% 410 50% 1050 64% Tell Her Family 110 13% 121 15% 231 14% Table 7.19: Where A Person Can Go For Care In The Area If They Have Been Raped Female (n=819) Male(n=823) Total (N=1,642) Church 6 1% 14 2% 20 1% Special Clinic 15 2% 9 1% 24 1% Other 76 9% 11 1% 87 5% Health Clinic 333 41% 304 37% 637 39% Police 429 52% 435 53% 864 53% Hospital 407 50% 470 57% 877 53%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 58 Table 7.20: Special Clinic for Rape Victims Mentioned MSF 9 Clinic 9 FFP 1 Diakoni 1 Hospital Vision 1 MOUDHA 1 Other 1 Grand Total 24 Chart 7.13: Comparison in Quality of Services for Rape Victims: Before vs After Earthquake Female (n=819) Male(n=823) Total (N=1,642) 60% 54% 50% 40% 35% 32% 30% 25% 26% 27% 22% 21% 16% 17% 17% 20% 8% 10% 0% Better Before the Has Not Changed Better Since the Do not Know Earthquake Earthquake Conclusion In this section we saw that the expectations regarding high levels of assault against women, rape, and physical abuse were only partially borne out. Respondents reported that women are thought of as more often violent aggressors and/or instigators of violence. In 43% of reported cases where the aggressor was known, the aggressor was a woman and in 53% of cases a man. But the prominence of women as aggressors has much to do with their role as disciplinarian of the children. When "beatings" of children were eliminated, 33% of the known aggressors, those who had attacked adults, were women; 67% were men. There is what could be considered a high incidence of domestic violence against wives; but we say "could be considered" because if the figure is indeed representative of domestic violence against women in the area it is a rate lower than any country in the Western hemisphere and half the US rate seen in the Review of the Literature. Domestic violence appears to occur more often in lower income households. However, women who suffer beatings at the hands of spouses and lovers more often appear to be, not the most disenfranchised women, but those who make financial contributions to the household, something that is perhaps related to defending or asserting ones rights. As for extra- domestic sexual violence against women and a post-earthquake "epidemic of rape": our research in Leogane and Carrefour suggests that there was not one.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 59 8. Family, Partners, Children, and Sex In the Review of the Literature it was seen that researchers have often presented Haitian culture as male centric, women as sexually repressed, and teenage pregnancy rates as high. There is also the understanding that Haitians eschew contraceptives, believing they cause illness and that men often insist their wives do not use them. Less studied issues are current attitudes toward abortion and child birth. In the Leogane and Carrefour surveys we asked questions pertaining to all these issues. Opinions on who is more in Need of Sex To begin we asked respondents who needs sex more, men or women. In Chart 8.1 more than half of both men and women said that both have equal sexual needs. Chart 8.1: Who Needs Sex More, Men vs. Women by Sex of Respondent 70% 66% 60% 51% Female Respondent 50% Male Respondent 40% 28% 30% 30% 20% 15% 10% 4% 2% 3% 0% Both the Same Men Women Do Not Know N=1,643 Appropriate Age at onset of Sexual Activity To gain an understanding of when respondents thought a boy/man versus girl/woman should begin having sex we expected, based on pretests, that age would be only one criteria. Other considerations were if a person was still in school, if they had a job, and if they were married or had a stable, income earning and responsible partner. We accepted only one response. Among them we accepted the common response, "when they are ready," something that in view of accepting only one response obscures the analysis because what the respondent meant could fall into any of the other categories: when they were finished with school, when they have income, when they are 18 years old, or when they have found a suitable spouse." Nevertheless the results are informative. As seen in Tablet 8.1, next page, the majority of respondents felt that both boys and girls should wait until they are 18 years old to begin having sex: specifically, 67% of respondents said that girls should wait until 18 years of age and 59% of respondents said that boys should wait. However, women placed less emphasis on 18 years of age and greater emphasis on having income, finishing school, or being prepared. Female emphasis on waiting was especially pronounced regarding boys having income: 17% of female respondents said so versus 6% of male respondent.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 60 Table 8.1: When Should Boys vs. Girls Become Sexually Active Reponses for When Girls Should Reponses for When Boys List of Possible Become Sexually Active Should Become Sexually Active Responses Female Male Both Female Male Both Age younger than 18 2% 3% 3% 4% 6% 5% 18 + years 57% 77% 67% 50% 68% 59% When Ready 18% 11% 14% 18% 12% 15% When has Income 9% 2% 5% 17% 6% 12% Finishes School 8% 3% 6% 6% 2% 4% Marries 5% 2% 4% 3% 2% 3% When Wants 0% 2% 1% 1% 4% 2% Other 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 0% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% N=1,643 Teen Pregnancy Notwithstanding the widespread concern among NGOs and activists for high rates of teenage pregnancy in the wake of the earthquake, Haitians tend to be sexually conservative. As seen in the Review of the Literature, Haiti has one of the lowest teenage pregnancy rates in the Western hemisphere: half or less that of several Latin America countries, less than half that of the Dominican Republic, only about 25% higher than overall the US teen pregnancy rate, and one third the rates for both US Blacks and US Hispanics (also see WHO 2007; UNFPA 2007; WHO 2001; Planned Parenthood 2011; OAH 2013; also see Endnote ii). Although there was certainly what researchers for Potofil (2012) called a post-earthquake "teen pregnancy bubble," young women 18 to 25 years age in our Carrefour and Leogane samples also have relatively low rates of childbirth, especially in view of high overall birth rates. Inferring from the totals in Table 8.5, young Leogane and Carrefour women in the age group 18 to 25 year annually give birth to 93 children per 1,000 women. In comparison, the rate for Dominican teenage girls 15 to 19 years of age is 104 per 1,000 girls, or an overall average of .52 children per teenager (World Bank 2011). In other words, Dominican teenagers 15 to 19 are having more children than Leogane and Carrefour women in the larger and older 18 to 24 years age category. Teen Pregnancy in Leogane and Carrefour Sample vs. in the United States Overall, the average age at first birth for all mothers in the sample was 24.2 years of age; 17.9% of the women sampled who had born children had their oldest living child at 19 years of age or less. If we correct the figure for a 2006 EMMUS 10.3% infant and child mortality rate, then the combined number of Carrefour and Leogane female respondents who bore their first child while still a teenager is 18.4%, slightly less than the 20.7% of US women who reported in 2011 having given birth as teenagers (Planned Parenthood 2012). xiii  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 61 Table 8.2: Children Born to Respondents 18 to 25 Years Old Sex Countryside Peri-Urban City Total Female 0.79 0.79 0.59 0.75 Male 0.38 0.34 0.15 0.30 Childbirth & Conjugal Unionxiv In Tables 8.2, above, and Table 8.3, right, we see that a significantly greater number of Table 8.3: Percentage of Respondents per women in our sample become mothers at Age Groups who Have Children younger ages than their male counterparts; or Age Groups Female Male put another way, men in our sample do not 18 to 25 51% 18% begin fathering children until much later in life than women. We can also infer from the data 26 to 35 81% 68% that 4/5ths of children are the offspring of men 36 to 50 97% 89% 36 years of age and older, precisely those men 50 + 94% 94% who by virtue of years working and Total 81% 68% accumulated wealth have greater resources to share with women. In Chart 8.12, it can be seen that the relationship is, for the sample size, statistically significant. Chart 8.2: Comparison of Statistical Significance for Average Number of Partner-Parents if Respondent 3.00 has Children: Men vs. Women (p < .05) 2.50 2.00 Missing 2.16 36 1.50 1.52 1.72 1.62 1.45 1.39 1.60 1.21 1.27 1.34 1.00 0.50 0.00  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 62 Pro-Natalism: Children and Fertility We saw in the Review of the Literature that Table 8.4: Whether People Need Children Haitians tend to express a high degree of what Sex of Respondent No Yes Total is called pronatal attitudes, meaning they favor Female 2 818 820 child births. Similarly, in our samples, only 2 Male 29 794 823 women and 29 men said that people did not Men and Women 31 1,612 1,643 need to have children (Table 8.4). Out of 1,643 respondents not a single respondent said that the ideal number of children was zero (Table 8.5); Table 8.5: Average of Ideal Number of Children the average ideal number of children was Age Groups Female Male Both (N=1,643) moderate ~2.5, a figure consistent across both 18 to 25 2.51 2.55 2.53 age groups and sexes (ibid). Compared to 26 to 35 2.57 2.52 2.54 findings in rural areas elsewhere and surveys 36 to 50 2.55 2.69 2.62 conducted in the past this represents a 50 + 2.59 2.65 2.62 significant shift toward lower ideal family size All Age Groups 2.56 2.60 2.58 (see for example Schwartz 1998, Maynard-Tucker 1996). In Table 8.6, we give the actual figures for number of children born to males versus females per age group, by degree of urbanization, and by the number of children desired. It can be seen that there is neither an apparent nor a statistical difference in how many children respondents say they want and how many children respondents actually have. Nor are there differences between the age and sex the respondents and how many children they say they want. Table 8.6: Children Born to Men and Women by Age and Sex Age Countryside Peri-Urban City Total Sex Group Actual Ideal Actual Ideal Actual Ideal Actual Ideal 18 to 25 0.79 2.55 0.79 2.59 0.59 2.49 0.75 2.55 Female 26 to 35 2.05 2.69 1.93 2.56 2.07 2.27 2.00 2.57 36 to 50 3.70 2.58 3.42 2.53 3.23 2.51 3.49 2.55 50 + 4.44 2.62 3.83 2.64 4.16 2.53 4.18 2.61 18 to 25 0.38 2.58 0.34 2.44 0.15 2.67 0.30 2.55 Male 26 to 35 1.50 2.53 1.45 2.53 0.85 2.57 1.31 2.54 36 to 50 3.04 2.87 2.94 2.59 2.51 2.65 2.87 2.70 50 + 5.41 2.61 4.96 2.61 4.80 2.84 5.09 2.67 One reason that there are no age groups or differences by sex for the number of children desired may have to do with the disposition of those sampled to respond to the question. In past surveys researchers have sometimes found that Haitian respondents report lower ideal fertility to avoid jinxing their chances of having many children or in an attempt to tell researchers what informants think is the politically correct response (Schwartz 2000). With this in mind, we tested if informants really favored smaller family size by adding the question, "a family with three and a family six children, which is better off?" Only 30 respondents chose the family with six children: 10 men and 20 women (Chart 8.2 and Table 8.7, next page).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 63 For the 1,613 people who had chosen the family with three rather than six children, the reason given was overwhelmingly because children were too expensive (Table 8.9). This is a radical difference from what was found 13 years go in Jean Rabel, Haiti where over 50% of respondents chose a family with 6 children (see Schwartz 2009). Comparatively, in Leogane and Carrefour it does appear that there is a growing, or extant anti-natal trend. Or, for those who prefer, a trend toward less children, and perhaps greater investment in those that are born. Table 8.7: Family of 3 vs. 6 Children Chart 8.3: Respondents who Say a Family Family Females and with 3 vs. 6 Children is Better Off Sizw Female Male Males Six 20 10 30 Three 800 813 1613 n =30 Total 820 823 1643 n = 1613 Table 8.9: Reasons for Choosing Family with 3 Children Table 8.8: Location of People who Favor Reasons Female Male Both Family of 6 vs. 3 Children Life is Too Expensive 629 751 1380 Location Number of Respondents Too Many Problems 133 52 185 City 3 Not Enough Time 14 7 21 Countryside 10 Other 24 3 27 Peri-Urban 17 Grand Total 800 813 1613 Preference for Boys vs. Girls A commonly used indicator of the degree to which females are repressed and discriminated against in different cultures is preference for boys over girls. In all the cross cultural questionnaires discussed in the Section 3, Methodology, there were questions designed to capture male preference. In the Leogane and Carrefour survey we too asked about sex preference. However, during pre-tests we realized that when we ask respondents directly which sex of offspring they preferred many tended to avoid responding or to respond that both sexes were equally desirable. Therefore, instead of asking directly about son/daughter preference, we presented respondents in the survey with the hypothetical scenario of a family with three girls vs. a family with three boys and asked which they thought would be better off. Girls came out on top (Chart 8.3). Women favored the family with girls at a ratio of 3 to 1; men favored the girls at a less dramatic ratio of 11 to 9 (ibid). The relationships were consistent no matter if the respondents lived in rural, peri-urban or urban areas (Chart 8.4 & 8.5), The outstanding reason given for why they chose the family with girls had to do with the role that females play in the household (Table 8.10). For those who chose boys, the outstanding reasons were that males bring in more money followed by the security that comes with the presence of older boys (Table 8.11).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 64 Chart 8.4: Family with 3 Girls vs. 3 Boys (All Respondents ) 80% 70% 60% 75% 50% 65% 40% 55% 30% 45% 20% 35% 10% 25% 0% Female Male Male & Female RespondentsThree Girls Three Boys Chart 8.5: Preference for Family with 3 Girls vs 3 Boys (Female Respondents) 100% 80% 60% 72% 76% 74% 40% 20% 28% 24% 26% 0% City Countryside Peri-Urban Three Boys Three Girls Chart 8.6 : Preference for Family with 3 Girls vs 3 Boys (Male Respondents) 60% 50% 57% 56% 53% 40% 47% 43% 44% 30% 20% 10% 0% City Countryside Peri-Urban Three Boys Three Girls  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 65 Table 8.10 Reasons for Preferring Girls Respondents Female Male Both Girls Better Care for the Family 218 192 410 Girls Manage the Household 72 169 241 Boys Cost Too Much 177 16 193 Girls Are More Loyal 40 30 70 +Other 55 3 58 Girls Bring in More Money 16 17 33 Girls Attract Loyalty of Men 9 22 31 Girls Do Better in School 25 5 30 Grand Total 612 454 1,066 Table 8.11: Why Boys Respondents Reasons Female Male Total Boys Work Harder 54 216 270 Boys Provide Physical Security 74 46 120 Boys Bring in More Money 25 63 88 Other 28 10 38 Boys Do Better in School 18 19 37 Girls Cost Too Much 9 15 24 Grand Total 208 369 577 Abortion and Contraceptives The inverse of the pronatal attitudes discussed earlier are "anti-natal" attitudes and practices that mitigate against fertility and child birth, most notably abortion and use of contraceptives. Legally abortion in Haiti has always been and continues to be illegal. Critics of the law have implied that it is an example of gender discriminatory legal system. But as seen in the Literature Review, the law has seldom been officially enforced. Censorship of abortion has come largely from the general population, both males and females. Aborting a fetus has traditionally been criticized as the "worst sin" and severely censured through social ridicule (see Schwartz 2009). To get an ideas of contemporary attitudes in Leogane and Carrefour and to gauge whether they are too are changing, as appears to be the case with desire for fewer numbers of offspring, we including relevant questions in the surveys. xv We asked respondents if they believed abortion was justifiable in any of the cases listed in Table 8.12 (following page). We then combined the responses to create an index of tolerance: We classified as "Intolerant" all those respondents who said that abortion was never justifiable. We classified as "Moderately Tolerant" those respondents who accepted abortion only in conditions of Rape and/or Medical Complication. And we classified as "Tolerant" any respondent who accepted that a woman could justifiable abort a pregnancy in the case of Rape and/or Medical Complication and at least one of the following: 'has no spouse,' 'is still in school,' 'is too young,' 'has too many children,' 'is too poor,' or 'other.'  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 66 What we found was that 61% or more of all women and men are at least moderately Table 8.12: Frequency of Reasons For tolerant of abortion; for men the figure was Justifiable Abortion the same, 61% (Table 8.13, Chart 8.15). The Choices Female Male Total trend changes with age and sex: young Other 2% 2% 2% women are the most tolerant and women No Spouse 3% 3% 3% over 50 years of age the least tolerant. Still i n School 4% 5% 4% Too Young 5% 7% 6% One caveat in assuming that this is evidence Too many Children 10% 6% 8% of changing fertility patterns and a shift to Poverty 6% 14% 10% more anti-natal behaviors and attitudes is Rape 13% 13% 13% that at least one other study in Haiti found that older women favor larger numbers of Medical 30% 24% 27% children more than any other age-sex Never Justifiable 27% 28% 28% category. The reason was because older women control the household, depend on the labor of children in accomplishing subsistence tasks and freeing themselves to engage in income generating itinerant marketing endeavors (Schwartz 2000). Nevertheless, together with declining ideal fertility levels seen above, the overwhelming preference for three children vs. six children households, the increasing tolerance of abortion suggests a radical change from past pronatalism. Corroborating the existence of this trend is the wide acceptance and favorable view of contraceptives seen in the next section. Table 8.13: Tolerance for Abortion Tolerant (unmarried, still in school, Moderately Tolerant Intolerant poor, too many children) (medical & rape) (never Justifiable) Age Groups Female Male Female Male Female Male 18 to 25 51% 35% 15% 25% 34% 40% 26 to 35 29% 40% 38% 23% 33% 37% 36 to 50 20% 35% 41% 31% 39% 34% 50 + 25% 28% 27% 25% 49% 47% Total 31% 35% 30% 26% 39% 40% Chart 8.7: Analysis of Age by Tolerance of Abortion 60% 48% 44% 37% 36% 36% 40% 33% 32% 35% 27% 27% 25% Most Tolerant 19% Tolerant 20% Intolerant 0% 18 to 25 yrs 26 to 35 yrs 36 to 50 yrs 50 + yrs  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 67 Contraceptives In Tables 8.14 & 8.15 it can be seen that 3/4ths of respondents view contraceptives favorably with favor and certainty most elevated in in younger age groups. This too is a radical break from past studies where as many as 85% of all women were found to view contraceptives in a negative light (Schwartz 1998). A counter intuitive trend in this respect is that a greater proportion of male and female respondents living in rural, versus urban areas, view contraceptives favorably: the figures for females were 56% for urban respondents, 63% for peri-urban respondents; and 75% for rural respondents (Charts 8.6). The figures for males were 59% for urban respondents, 74% for peri-urban respondents, and 75% for rural respondents (Charts 8.7). Finally, in Table 8.16 we see that there is little difference in the opinions of respondents whether a man or woman has a right to use contraceptives even without the consent of their spouse. Table 8.14: Count of Contraceptive Good vs. Bad by Sex of Respondent Female Male Male and Female Do Not Know 19% 13% 16% Mostly Bad 13% 15% 14% Mostly Good 66% 70% 68% Not Better or Worse 2% 2% 2% Table 8.15: Contraceptive Good vs. Bad by Age of Respondent 18 to 25 26 to 35 36 to 50 50 + All Ages Do Not Know 14% 10% 13% 26% 16% Mostly Bad 16% 15% 13% 12% 14% Mostly Good 68% 73% 72% 60% 68% Not Better or Worse 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% Chart 8.8: Proportion of Respondents Qualifying Contraceptives as "Mostly Good" (Female Respondents: (p < .05) 90% 80% 74% 70% 63% 60% 56% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% City Countryside Peri-Urban  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 68 Chart 8.9: Proportion of Respondents Qualifying Contraceptives and "Mostly Good" (Male Respondents: (p < .05) 90% 80% 70% 74% 74% 59% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% City Countryside Peri-Urban Table 8.16: Opinions on Man and Woman Right to Use Contraceptives with Spousal Consent by Sex of Respondents Woman Has Right Man Has Right Respondents No Yes No Yes Female (n=820) 64% 36% 65% 35% Male (n=823) 68% 32% 67% 33% Male and Females (N=1,643) 66% 34% 66% 34% 9. Family Support In preparing the survey we were also interested in personal support networks: who men and women turned to when they needed material assistance; who they turned to when they need emotional support or advice or moral support; and differential attitudes or mother and fathers regarding the quality of relationships with their children and with one another. We present the results below. Quality of Family Relationships and Support Opinions on Quality of Relationships to Partner and Children We found that women in our samples rate their relationships to their spouses with less enthusiasm than did men: 13% of women rated their relationship with their partner as "Very Good," while 50% of men rated their relationship in this way (Chart 9.1). Women also rated their relationship to their children less enthusiastically than did men,. 19% of women said they had a "Very Good" relationship with their children. 44% of men said so (Chart 9.2).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 69 Chart 9.1: How Women and Men Rate Relationship with Their Partner 60% 50% 50% 41% Female 40% (n=498) 30% Male 30% 26% (n=470) 20% 20% 13% 10% 10% 6% 2% 2% 0% Very Bad Bad OK Good Very Good Chart 9.2: How Women and Men Rate Relationship with Their Children 60% 51% 50% 44% Female 40% (n=658) 26% 28% 30% Male 24% (n=558) 19% 20% 10% 3% 3% 3% 0% 0% Very Bad Bad OK Good Very Good Who Respondents turn to for Material Support When it comes to material aid, what we see in Table 9.1 is that in the case of a need for money or food, men report depending on brothers more so than any other category (23%), a figure cited almost twice as frequently as the next category, that of spouse (12%). Men depended as much on  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 70 their sisters (12%) as their spouses, followed closely by their mothers (11%). At a total of 23% mentions, sisters and mother combined are as important a source of material aid for men as brothers. Brothers, sisters, and mothers combined, were the first people men reported turning for material air for 46% of respondents. Women on the other hand reported turning far more frequently to their spouse for material aid; 19% said so, a tendency that echoes the socially constructed gender expectations discussed in the Review of the Literature, i.e. men should provide money to women for household maintenance and commercial enterprise but that women are expected to reciprocate not with money but with sexual and domestic services. The next person women most frequently reported turning to was, similar to reports for men, that of brother (14%). Also as with men, mothers (13%) and sisters (11%) ranked high as first source of aid; and at a combined 24% of mentions they exceeded any other category. Similar to men, if we combine brothers, sisters and mothers, 48% of women reported turning to them first for aid. Who Respondents turn to for Moral Support/Advice In Tablet 9.2 we see that for advice, or what we can interpret as psychological support, men turn most often to friends (26%) then brothers (13%), and then spouses (12%) followed by mother (11%) and then more distantly, sister (6%). At a rate equal to men (26%), women too reported turning most often friends for psychological support, followed by spouse (19%) then brother (10%), mother (7%) and finally sister (6%). Table 9.1: First Person Respondent Goes to Table 9.2: if Needs Material Aid 1 Count of Need Advice Relationship to Female Male Relationship Female Male Respondent (n=820) (n=823) to Respondent (n=820) (n=823) Grand Father 0% 0% Grand Father 0% 0% Grandmother 0% 0% Grandmother 1% 1% Cousin 1% 3% Uncle 2% 5% Uncle 2% 3% Cousin 3% 5% Aunt 3% 3% Father 3% 8% Daughter 5% 1% Daughter 5% 1% Son 5% 1% Aunt 5% 3% Father 5% 5% Son 5% 1% Friend 8% 10% Sister 6% 6% Sister 11% 12% Brother 7% 13% Mother 13% 11% Mother 10% 11% Brother 14% 23% Spouse 19% 12% Spouse 19% 12% Friend 26% 26% Other 14% 13% Other 7% 7%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 71 10. NGOs, Hospitals, and Clinics Membership in Organizations In Table 10.1 and Charts 10.1 to 10.3, we see that, as expected from the gender defined political roles of men in Haiti seen in the Review of the Literature, men are more prominent than women in organizations and leadership of organizations. But two points are noteworthy. First, while less frequently than men, women do have a presence as members and leaders of organizations; and second, they are more prominent than men, at least in terms of numbers, in churches, far and away the organizations in the survey areas with the most membership. Table 10.1: Group Membership by Type of Group and Sex of Respondent Organization Female Male Total Church 65% 52% 59% Youth Group 6% 4% 5% Development Association 1% 6% 4% Women's group 4% 0% 2% Peasant Association 1% 3% 2% Camp Association 2% 1% 1% Artisan association 1% 1% 1% Mother's club 1% 0% 1% Voudou Association 0% 0% 0% SRV 0% 1% 0% Musical, social or athletic 0% 0% 0% Political Party 0% 0% 0% Savings Group 0% 0% 0% None 30% 37% 33% Chart 10.1: Member of At Least Chart 10.2: Member of At Least One Organization One Organization (Including Church) (excluding church) 80% 70% 15% 12% 64% 10% 60% 5% 5% 40% 0% Female (n=820) Male (n=823) Female (n=820) Male (n=823)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 72 Chart 10.3: At Least One Official Position in an Organization 30% 23% 20% 16% 10% 0% Female (n=574) Male (n=523) NGO and State Sponsored Seminars since the Earthquake To evaluate the extent to which NGOs and the Haitian State have reached out and informed the population we asked respondents if they have attended a seminar since the earthquake, and if so what type of seminar and who sponsored it. What we found was that about 18% of respondents had attended at least one seminar (Chart 10.4); attendance was about equal for men and women (18% vs.17); the frequency of attendance was almost 4 times greater in the town of Leogane than in the City of Carrefour (28% vs. 8%); the vast majority of the seminars had to do with disaster, cholera or other health issues (Table 10.2); and the Haitian State, the Red Cross, and CARE were believed to be the most common sponsors--each with 45 citations (Table 10.3). Chart 10.4: Attended At Least One Chart 10.5: Number of Seminars Seminar Since Earthquake Respondents have Attended Since 28% Earthquake 30% 1500 1350 25% 20% 18% 1000 15% 8% 10% 500 5% 110 63 54 66 0% 0 Carrefour Leogone Total 0 1 2 3 4+ Chart 10.6: Attended At Least One Chart 10.7: Attended At Least One Seminar Since Earthquake Seminar Since Earthquake by Sex and 25% Commune 150 111 112 20% 18% 17% 100 40 30 Female (820) 15% 50 0 Male (823) 10% Carrefour Leogane (809) Female (n=820) Male (n=823) (n=834)  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 73 Table 10.2: Types of Seminars Respondents Table 10.3: Seminar Sponsors Attended Since Earthquake Type of Type of Number of Seminar Freq Seminar Freq Seminar Sponsors Mentions Hlth, Nut. & Handicap & State (FAES, MSPP, ASEC) 45 Hygiene 94 Stress 5 Red Cross 45 Emergency Mother's CARE 45 medical 71 Club 5 USAID 29 Other 71 Business 4 Tear Fund 15 Cholera 69 Savings 4 OIM 15 Building Johanniter 13 construction 53 Environment 3 Oxfam 13 AIDS 37 Democracy 3 Disaster 32 Filiaris 3 ACTED 7 Education 30 Drainage 2 Envangelicals 5 Livestock & Mother Child SAVE 5 Garden 12 Health 1 MSF 4 GBV 8 Sanitation 1 Samaritan's Purse 3 Water 7 World Vision 3 CARITAS 2 Habitat 2 MUDHA 1 ACDI VOCA 1 CORDAID 1 Scouts 1 Other (orgs mentioned once) 38 Illness and Use of Hospitals, Clinics, and Doctors Illness is a big part of the lives of the respondents and their families. When asked, 'when was the last time someone in the household was,' in the opinion of the respondent, "seriously ill.' Fully 47% replied "this month"; 74%% said within the past two months (Table 10.4). It was most often a child in the house who was sick (Table 10.5); and women were more often ill than men (ibid). Symptoms were predominantly fever (Chart 10.8); most people were taken to or sought out on their own some form of treatment, usually a hospital visit (Chart 10.9); 11% more Carrefour versus Leogane respondents (81% vs. 70%) reported the sick individual went to the hospital, difference that was statistically significant (Chart 10.10); and for those who did not go to a hospital, clinic or doctor the primary reasons given was that "it was not necessary," followed by "too far" and "too expensive" (Table 10.6). Women in the house were considered more knowledgeable than men in recognizing and responding to illness by only a slim ratio of 6 to 5 (Table 10.7).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 74 Table 10.4: Last Illness in the House (N=1,643) When Households Cumulative % This Month 47% 47% Last Month 22% 69% Two Months Ago 5% 74% Three Months Ago 4% 78% Four Months Ago 3% 81% Over Four Months Ago 10% 91% Never 9% 100% Table 10.5: Who Was Sick (n=294) Females Males Person Households Person Households Aunt 1 Uncle 1 Grandmother 3 Grandfather 2 Sister 12 Husband 5 Mother 13 Father 8 Wife 16 Brother 15 Respondent Female 47 Respondent Male 38 Daughter 73 Son 60 Total 165 Total 129 Chart 10.8: Symptoms/Disease When Person Was Last Sick Fever 558 Stomach Ache 174 Flu 161 Sorcery 52 Diabetes 51 Heart Troubles 49 Injury 47 Cholera 43 Malaria 4 Other 504 0 100 200 300 400 500 600  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 75 Chart 10.9: Where the Person was Treated Nowhere 30% Hospital 29% Healer 10% Clinic 6% Doctor Private Practice 6% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% Chart 10.10: Use of Hospital for Last Illness in the House: Carrefour vs Leogane (p > 95%) 86% 81% 81% 76% 70% 71% 66% 61% 56% Carrefour Leogane Table 10.6: Reasons Given for Not Going to Hospital, Clinic or Doctor They do not give good care 1% Don't like being touched 3% It was not open 3% Too Expensive 11% Too Far 30% Not necessary 52%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 76 Table 10.7: People Respondents Identified As Most Knowledgeable Regarding Illness in the House Men Women Grand Father 1 Grandmother 3 Uncle 9 Sister 25 Brother 19 Daughter 27 Son 24 Aunt 31 Father 53 Wife 48 Husband 78 Mother 178 Respondent Male 508 Respondent Female 505 Total 692 Total 817 Pre-Natal, Birth and Use of Services The vast majority of women (654 of 752 or 88%) sought out professional medical care during there last pregnancy, most (55%) at a public hospital (Chart 10.11). The proportion of respondents who visited different practitioners were approximately equal in Leogane and Carrefour (Chart 10.12). Of the 98 (12%) who were not attended to by professionals, 50% explained that it was too far and 43% too expensive (Chart 10.13). The number of respondents who gave birth at home was 17% greater in Leogane (53% vs. 36%), a difference that is statistically significant for the size of the sample (Chart 10.14). Chart 10.11: Pre-Natal Care: Where Respondent Consulted Last Time Pregnant Public Hospital 55% Clinic 16% Midwife 9% Doctor Private Practice 6% Nurse 1% None 7% Other 6% 0% 20% 40% 60%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 77 Chart 10.12: Use of Pre-Natal Services: Carrefour vs. Leogane 51% Nurse 59% 13% Midwife 19% Other 6% 8% Clinic 6% 7% Leogane Doctor Private Practice 13% Carrefour 3% None 9% 3% Public Hospital 2% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% Chart 10.13: Reasons Respondent Did Not Consult Last Time Pregnant Too Far 50% Too Expensive 43% It was not open 5% Don't like being touched 2% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% Chart 10.14: Birth at Home: Carrefour vs. Leogane (p < .05) 80% 60% 53% 40% 36% 20% 0% Carrefour Leogane  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 78 Post-Natal Care and Use of Services We found similar results for post natal care (Chart 12.15). The majority of women sought out professionals (92%), most at a clinic, or with a visiting midwife or nurse (81%). Respondents in Carrefour reported using professional hospital and clinic services more than those of Leogane (12.16), a difference that was not statistically significant (Chart 12.17) For the 5% of the total sample that did not use professional services the explanations were more varied than those for pre-natal care: 38% explained that the service was not available ('not open'), 30% that the treatment they received was bad ('they are rude' and 'not good care'), and in contrast to pre-natal care only 17% cited expense and distance -- a consequence of the women not having to go all the way to the hospital (Chart 12.17). Chart 10.15: Post Natal Care: Where Respondent Consulted Last Time Gave Birth Health Clini 48% Midwife 17% Nurse 16% Doctor Private 8% Public Hospital 6% No one 4% Other 2% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% Chart 10.16: Use of Post-Natal Services: Carrefour vs. Leogane 45% Health Clinic 52% Midwife 13% 22% Nurse 20% 11% Doctor Private 9% Leogane 6% Public Hospital 6% Carrefour 6% No one 5% 2% Other 3% 1% 0% 20% 40% 60%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 79 Chart 10.17: Respondents who did not use any Post-Natal Specialist Last Pregnancy: Carrefour vs. Leogane (p < 95%) 10% 5% 5% 2% 0% Carrefour Leogane Chart 10.18: Post Natal Care: Why Respondent did not Consult at Clinic or with Doctor It was not open 38% They do not give good care 15% They are rude 15% Too Expensive 9% Too Far 8% Don't like being touched 1% Other 15% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40%  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 80 11. Conclusion and Recommendations If we were to expand on Lowenthal (1986) and Richman's (2003) descriptions of gender relations in Haiti, seen at the beginning of this report, and conceive of them as a male vs. female 'field of competition' for access to resources, control of households and members, and control over household finances and budget, then the present study suggests females win. Women make significant contributions to household finances, they are arguably as powerful as men in the domestic sphere, they appear more autonomous than men with regard to personal decisions (such as joining organizations or traveling), they exercise a high degree of control over other members of the household, and men and women both prefer daughters. We expected to find some of these trends, but we were generally surprised by the extent to which women in the samples appear to be on par with men. A noteworthy inequity is that women in the samples were significantly less- educated than men, something that does not correspond to national samples. But even on the most worrisome issues, most notably with respect to violent rape, women come out far less abused than claimed in most reports from NGOs, newspapers, and gender-based activist organizations. Some aid practitioners might find these conclusions disturbing. They may either dismiss them or they may wonder why NGOs, international organizations and donors have been devoting so much attention to empowering Haitian women if they are already empowered. We believe the lesson should be, not to reduce development efforts that target women, but rather to focus less on Haitian women as victims, acknowledge their power, and move on to more fully mobilizing them as vectors in development. With that said, we offer the following general recommendations Mobilize: We should focus on mobilizing women to get more involved in the one area where they are most conspicuously absent: local level politics and community development. CARE and other NGOs have an advantage in accomplishing this because international development and health oriented organizations are among the most economically and socially influential opportunities available. Locals working in the sector earn two to eight times the local wage rates and they preside over social organizational and infrastructural improvement projects that give them inordinate status and prestige in their communities. To mobilize women, CARE should take a two pronged approach. 1) bring in consultants with local knowledge and language skills who understand UNICEF sponsored SEED-SCALE approach to bottom up development and 2) identify credible feminist organizations. SEED-SCALE If we have learned anything from the past 70 years of development it is that purely top down initiatives seldom succeed (Easterly 2006). The point is especially poignant in Haiti (Schwartz 2008). UNICEF funded SEED-SCALE provides an alternative (Taylor et. al.). Whether it is health, education or community driven infrastructural development SEED-SCALE is a powerful approach to building enduring bottom up community-NGO-State organizational alliances that resolve community problems, and empower women (see http://www.seed-scale.org for SEED SCALE kit and see Taylor et al 2012 for description of process and examples).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 81 Gretchen Berggren Ph.D. at Harvard, Bettie Gebrian PhD, and University of Connecticut Professor Judy Lewis are three consultants with a combined 100+ years of experience in Haiti and authors of several successful community health programs in the country, including several at Albert Schweitzer in the Artibonite and USAID funded Haiti Health Foundation in the Grand Anse. It is recommended that CARE hire the consultants for an exploratory evaluation of the Carrefour and Leogane program with the prospect in mind of incorporating SEED SCALE organization building strategy. Identify credible partners: As Alexis Gardella wrote 7 years ago in her USAID Gender Assessment, Haiti has an impressive and rich community of organizations that are dedicated to effecting change, from human rights, to women’s rights, to domestic violence and illiteracy. Groups concerned with all the aspects of women’s status already exist, both within and outside Port-au-Prince, and many have consolidated their advocacy efforts under umbrella organizations or associations. Every major women’s advocacy group in Port-au-Prince has extensive ties to regional and rural associations. There is no issue identified in this assessment that does not already have a collection of advocacy groups mobilized around it. (Gardella 2006: 29) That being said, it must be admitted that during the past 50 years of intense foreign aid, while the Haitian economy has gone into a dizzying free-fall, the Haitian landscape of grassroots organizations and NGOs has become infested with entrepreneur minded opportunists. This is not entirely bad. Partners and aid practitioners, whether foreign or local, should be able to earn a living and feed their families. But CARE must avoid the opportunists who seek money only and identify credible NGOs. Two are SOFA and KAY FANM: powerful and credible organizations with credible leaders, a long history of positive involvement in representing Haitian women, and extensive networks in both rural and urban areas. CARE should ally with these organizations. Combat Misinformation: CARE should combat misinformation. Misinformation is the means by which money is misdirected. It causes organizations such as CARE to waste time, effort and money channeling resources into areas where they are not needed and, by corollary, away from areas where they are needed. It deprives needy and vulnerable people of help they might otherwise receive. It cheats donors out of their hope that their money would be well spent and CARE out of the satisfaction that we are accomplishing our mission. In its ugliest forms it is frequently used means by which criminals capture aid funds meant for their own enrichment and abuse the very people we are trying to help, as with the orphan director who sexually molests the children under his care or the sociopath turned pastor who builds network of businesses and finances his way into a position of political power. Misinformation also sabotages the endeavor to empower and mobilize women. One rather innocent example of misinformation is the assumption that female-headed household are in greater need than Male-Female Headed households. While it is probably true that young mothers are in greater need, the notion that females headed households as whole are  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 82 disadvantaged appears specious and founded on assumptions and may be leading aid agencies to categorically eliminate many of the most needy households while scheduling aid for other that least need it. A more extreme and potentially dangerous example of misinformation is the "rape epidemic"; if it is largely a fabrication of entrepreneurial minded advocate-aid workers, grassroots organizations, and sensationalizing journalists, then no better example of feminine self-sabotage exists. If we are indeed dealing with a fabricated crisis, the greatest impact the "rape epidemic" has had may be to have made violent rape seem to be a common and expected behavior in popular neighborhoods and by implication, no cause for great alarm. In other words, before it has even occurred, we have desensitized the population, the authorities, and donors to the most aggressive and demeaning form of attack on the traditional pillar of the Haitian family and society: women, poto mitan. Young Males We found no evidence in our study that female headed households were less well-off than those with both a male and female head. We did not find evidence that men were repressing and controlling their wives any more than vice versa. We did not even find evidence of inordinate levels of domestic abuse or rape. But times are indeed changing. Haiti is in the throes of a transition from a rural society governed by tradition and social censure to an urban society governed by formal laws and enforced by a formal justice system. At the moment formal laws discriminate against women. The low level of female participation in politics is unmistakable. These issues should be addressed. The relatively powerful traditional position of Haitian women in the rural economy should be preserved and the way paved for them to assume a greater formal role in future Haitian society. But in addressing these issues and the growing dangers to women and girls we should be careful not to neglect the significance of other populations and, in doing so, make matters worse. Specifically, Gardella warned in her 2006 study of a growing population of bored, uneducated, and economically desperate young men – the most dangerous of these can become grossly empowered through crime and participation in narcotrafficking. In the words of Gardella: In the current socio-political climate in Haiti, the most important population at risk is certainly urban male youth, i.e., urban gangs. The criminal and political activities of these gangs is of such a degree as to destabilize the major and secondary metropolitan areas, and all attendant economic activities, and to further jeopardize the installation and proper functioning of the newly elected government. [2006:30] With the preceding points in mind, it would behoove us to remember that gender is not just about females. Gender encompasses “the economic, social, political and cultural attributes and opportunities associated with being male and female.” It is in understanding the dimensions of  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 83 relationship between males and females that we can more effectively target development initiatives to bring about a safer, more secure, and healthier environment for everyone.1 1 Definition of Gender was taken from Gardella (2006) who is citing the Development Assistance Committee Guidelines for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Development Cooperation. OECD: Paris (1998).  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 84 12. Notes i The causes underlying the outstanding role of women in popular Haitian culture is surely linked to the country's regionally unique economy and prevailing subsistence strategies. For two hundred years Haiti has been a regional, if not global anachronism. While neighboring countries became or remained oriented toward plantation and latifundia systems, within 30 years of its 1804 independence Haiti had evolved into a nearly full-blown peasant economy dependent on small garden plots equitably distributed among 10s of thousands of farming families; while neighboring countries became or remained export and import oriented, Haiti depended and still largely depends on local petty production organized around households and regional rotating marketing systems; while neighboring countries became mechanized, Haitian farmers and craftsmen depended and still largely depend on pre-19th century technology as well as human and animal labor power; while most neighboring countries have experienced demographic transition to lower birth rates, the process has been much slower in Haiti where many women, particularly those living in rural areas, continue to bear children at rates equal to the highest in the world and the highest biologically possible (see Schwartz 2000). Linked to these economies, land tenure systems, and subsistence strategies, Haiti was also unique in the degree to which it has depended for foreign revenue on male labor migration. For over 100 years a Haitian male right-of-passage included migration to plantations in Cuba and the Dominican Republic. More recently men and an increasingly number of women migrate to work in to areas of intense hotel construction, fishing grounds, and touristic zones. The traditional pattern was for men to migrate to get the money to set spouses up in homes and to invest in expanded household enterprises such as peasant agricultural, livestock rearing, craft production, and commerce. The frequent absence of men encouraged and conditioned the prominent role of women seen earlier and gave them an edge in the "field of competition" that Lowenthal described. ii Specifically, teen pregnancy rates vary widely by race and ethnicity. In 2008, the pregnancy rate for non-Hispanic white teens was 43.3 per 1,000 women 15–19 years of age. Depending on which of the cited sources is used, the pregnancy rate for Hispanic teens was 106.6. For African-American teens it was 117, with a upper level for 2006 of 126 for both. "See page 2 of the Planned Parenthood Fact Sheet, by the Katharine Dexter McCormick Library Planned Parenthood Federation of America OAH (Office of Adolescent Health) 2013 Trends in Teen Pregnancy and Childbearing. Table 12.1: Selected Latin American and Caribbean Adolescent Birth Rates (births per annum per 1,000 women in age category: World Bank 2013) Country 2008 2009 2010 2011 United States 38 36 33 30 Hispanics* - - - 106 African Americans* - - - 117 Trinidad and Tobago 34 33 33 32 Grenada 41 40 38 37 Haiti 45 44 43 42 Cuba 45 45 44 44 St. Vincent & Grenadines 58 57 56 55 Chile 58 57 57 56 Guyana 65 63 60 57 St. Lucia 60 59 58 57 Paraguay 71 70 69 68 Colombia 73 72 71 69 Jamaica 76 74 73 71 Panama 81 80 79 77 Ecuador 82 82 81 81 Honduras 92 90 89 87 Guatemala 106 105 104 103 Dominican Republic 108 107 106 105  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 85 *Planned Parenthood Fact Sheet, 2012 iii Researchers who have treated the topic at length have argued that pronatalism in Haiti derives from the need for children as a mechanism of old age security (Murray 1977), from cultural values left over from slavery (Maynard- Tucker 1996), poor healthcare system (Smith 1998), as deriving from insensitive and even rude doctors and nurses (Maternowska 2006); and even deriving from the economic contributions that children make to the household survival strategies (see Schwartz 2009). But few if any have found that males are the cause of low contraceptive use among women. iv The exact quote, "Contre toute attente, on constate que les femmes qui participent le plus fréquemment aux sept décisions et qui sont le moins fréquemment exclues de toutes ces décisions sont les femmes du milieu rural et celles qui ont le moins d’instruction. Par contre, les femmes qui travaillent pour de l’argent participent beaucoup plus fréquemment que les autres aux prises de décision." [EMMUS 2000: 247]. v At least part of the reason that gender in Haiti has been misconstrued can be attributed to generalizing developing world gender relations among the middle and upper classes to the working classes living in popular neighborhoods and living largely within the informal sector. The popular classes have dense social networks where the same people know and interact with each other on many levels. The women are in the market together, their children are in school together, they all go to the same funerals, the same weddings and baptisms, their husbands work together, play dominoes and soccer together. Larger families mean geometrically greater number of kinship ties. In the case of urban neighborhoods they live in densely packed neighborhoods. There are few secrets and exponentially greater social censure than in the middle class residential families where a man can begin to abuse, intimidate and eventually graduate to beating his wife in the seclusion and privacy of the family home, with no one to check his behavior and no other men or other women to run to her defense. The Haitian man embedded in the formal sector can then get up the next morning and go to work with people who do not know his wife, go to the gym with an entirely different social set that also do not know her. In other words, he doesn't have to face up to what he did. Add to this greater male access to jobs and higher male salaries that come with a nascent formal sector; add middle class social stigmas that constrain women sexually but liberate men, meaning that a middle or upper class Haitian woman can destroy herself socially by engaging in a sexual liaison with any man socio-economically beneath her while her husband's sexual liberty and access to women of all classes means he is less dependent on her emotionally or sexually; add the transition from a traditional agrarian and/or household based economy with its informal legal system and social censure to a formalized legal system that has not yet been adapted to dealing with gender and abuse of women that occurs privately. What all this means for the Haitian woman in the formal sector is that that she is more, not less, dependent on a man. She does not even have the lower class Haitian woman's right to engage in extra-marital liaisons when her husband fails to take care of her financially. Isolated residentially, checked with social stigmas, with no option of a career in the informal economy, and unprotected by a nascent formal justice system, the middle class woman still has the burden of rearing the children but without the extended family and neighbor support characteristic of popular neighborhoods. vi Official unemployment rates for Haiti vary between 70 to 80 percent (World Bank 2010a). Similarly, organizations such as the World Bank (2010b) have estimated that over 50% of the Haitian population lives on less than $1 per day and as much as 80% lives on less than $2 per day. Such figures are sometimes discussed in the context of a "living wage" for one Haitian worker and three dependents of US$29.00 per day (Solidarity Center, 2011). In coming to understand seemingly contradictory reports of income and cost of living, and in putting into perspective analysis in the following pages, a couple ethnographic realities should be understood. First off, most of the eighty percent of the "unemployed" Haitian population is hard at work in a vibrant informal sector and the thriving internal domestic marketing and service economy. Haitians work in the informal sector as night watchman, yardman, maid, cook, nanny, teacher, policeman, guard, porter, butcher, baker, tailor, basket maker, rope weavers, carpenter. mason, iron smith, mechanic, electrician, plumber, radio technician, typesetter, copier, and painter. They make nets, weirs, boats, beds, latrines, roofs. They work in domestic healthcare industry as nurses, doctors, herbal and spiritual healers and priests. They work as sea captains, mariners, and boatswain in the thriving mostly informal domestic shipping sector and drivers and truck loaders and fee collectors on the thousands  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 86 trucks that carry goods throughout Haiti. Tens of thousands work as drivers on the moto-taxis that fill the streets, back roads and paths of the country. They distill alcohol and make comestibles from small candies to prepared nuts, fish, fried snacks, and meals sold in street restaurants. And they work as vendors selling everything from the ubiquitous corner stall peddling a single cigarette and shot of rum to telephone recharge cards to hair ties to small bags of water to cures for aids and cancer and unrequited love and bad luck or dozens of different lottery tickets. More than 50% of them farm and/or fish. And almost every one of them is engaged not in a single one of these occupations, but several. Many of the occupations mentioned above are for men, but some are un-expectantly female--such as butchers and fish processers. Women will perform most farming tasks. Women are masseuses and midwives. They exclusively monopolize the ownership and management of popular restaurants. Although men make some comestibles, most production of candies and other treats are female enterprises. But more than anything else, women completely dominate the movement and redistribution of domestic produce. Those who are members of farming households are thought of as the owners of the produce from their husband's gardens. They harvest and sell the produce and with the money invest in the purchase and resale of the produce that other women harvest and they so dominate this sector of the economy--trade in domestic produce-- that middle aged woman are often equal or more economically powerful than their husbands. For those men and women who can't find a place among the occupations listed above men pursue income in seasonal farming, fishing, transport, and construction sectors and they migrate to the Bahamas, the Dominican Republic, Canada and the United States where they engage in any number of occupations, not least of all the sex industry and narco-trafficking. Women migrate to the same places where they work in factories or as cooks, nannies, maids, prostitutes or masseuses or bar girls. Haitian women also make a strong showing in the neighboring Dominican Republic's international marriage market where each year thousands of them marry foreigners and fly off to join the North American and European middle and upper classes. Most of these occupations described above are petty income opportunities, many of them, such as midwifery or rural construction are not fulltime but rather intermittent opportunities. Others such as selling candies or weaving are ongoing activities that complement other endeavors and may yield as little as US $1 per day. For fulltime occupations the minimum wage is 200 gourdes (~ $5) for most formal sector workers and 125 gourdes (~ $3.00) for apparel workers in trade free zones. Farmers throughout the country consistently pay their neighbors 150 gourdes per day ($3.00)--that is 25 gourdes more than minimum wage-- for what they call a jouné, 6 hours of intense agricultural labor. If they provide a meal they pay 100 gourdes ($2.50). On a higher level it is noteworthy that skilled artisans earn about US $10 per day. The key to understanding how people survive in Haiti on below "living wage" salaries is the role of the household as a social security mechanism and productive unit. Households pool labor and resources to lower individual costs of living and to enable members to survive difficult times. As seen in subsequent section on the household, even very young members of the household may contribute to livelihood security by fetching fire wood and water, running errands, selling goods by the street or out of the home, washing clothes, and preparing meals. Perhaps more importantly than anything else in understanding the household as the basis for livelihood strategies and the role that children play is that for both urban and rural areas children stay home and perform basic domestic tasks and care for younger siblings thereby freeing their old sisters, cousins, aunts and mothers to engage in itinerate trade and go to urban areas to work as domestics. The charts below are meant to give the reader a sense of income per occupation in Haiti in the formal vs. the informal sector. Although the data did not come precisely from the survey sites some of the informal sector data was gathered in Carrefour and other research conducted by the consult corroborates that they are applicable in the area and other urban and peri-urban areas of the country, making the information is useful when assessing the relative economic resources per skill category for Leogane and Carrefour.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 87 Table 12.2: Formal Sector Employment (USD) Table 12.3: Mostly Employment (Demattee 2012) Informal Sector (EFI 2013) Occupation Year Day Occupation Year Day Maid $2,177.00 $7.26 Domestic/hm $1,170.00 $3.90 Guard $1,734.00 $5.78 Guard/home $1,012.50 $3.38 Unskilled Labor $2,419.00 $8.06 Unskilled Labor $1,125.00 $3.50 Driver $5,347.00 $17.82 Driver $3,150.00 $10.50 Nurse $10,150.00 $33.83 Nurse $2,790.00 $9.30 Office Staff $6,548.00 $21.83 Receptionist $2,500.00 $8.33 Mechanic $10,801.00 $36.00 Mechanic $4,125.00 $13.75 Doctor $28,306.00 $94.35 Doctor $10,350.00 $34.50 Table 12.4 Entrepreneurial Sector Occupation Year Day Call-Card V. $1,500.00 $5.00 Shoe Shine $1,875.00 $6.25 Load Truck $2,250.00 $7.50 vendor food $2,250.00 $7.50 Artisan $3,000.00 $10.00 Mason $3,750.00 $12.50 Moto Taxi $4,125.00 $13.75 Small Vendor $4,500.00 $15.00 Restaurant owner $9,000.00 $30.00 Taptap Taxi $9,000.00 $30.00 vii Table 12.5: Chi Square for Who Wins Arguments Asymp. Sig. Value df (2-sided) Pearson Chi-Square 294.476 15 .000 Likelihood Ratio 273.119 15 .000 Linear-by-Linear 66.673 1 .000 Association N of Valid Cases 1404  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 88 viii All the preceding should be interpreted with a caveat: few respondents condone violence against spouses. As seen in Tables 8.3 on page 26 and in Table 8.7 and 8.8 below, while there may be a de facto high level of violence against women in union, very few respondents condoned violence against wives, girlfriends or lovers. Table 12.6: Respondents who Say that Woman Has Right to Beat Other Woman or Husband if He has Affair (N=1,643) If she Right to Beat Other Woman 6% If she Right to Beat the Husband 9% Table 12.7: Respondents who Say that Man has Right to Beat Spouse if she has an Affair (N=1,643) If he has the right to beat her 6% ix Personal interview with director Olga Benoit of SOFA and Marie Yolette Andree Jeanty of Kay Fanm 2/2/2012 x Kolbe et. al.'s (2010) post earthquake survey is by far the most extreme estimate of sexual assault in post- earthquake Haiti. Because it was sponsored by the University of Michigan and Geneva Small Arms Survey it is also the one that lent the most credibility to the claims of a rape epidemic. A published academic article on the survey findings, authored by Kolbe and a collection of 6 University Professors and one Haitian Survey supervisor concluded that in the six weeks following the survey, "Approximately 3 per cent of the general population sample reported being a victim of sexual violence since the earthquake; all but one case involved female victims." (page 3). There are reasons to question validity of the results and the care with which the survey was conducted, if it was conducted at all. The survey was based on follow-up visits to people interviewed two months prior to the January 12th 2010 earthquake when Kolbe supervised a survey of 1.800 Port-au-Prince households. Six weeks after the earthquake the researchers sent the same interviewers to visit the same respondents to evaluate post earthquake conditions and incidence of crime. This was a moment in time when 30% to 40% of the Port-au-Prince population was living in camps, another 25% had fled the capital for the countryside, and 10% had left for Miami and the Dominican Republic. Kolbe et al claim to have successfully located and interviewed 93% of the original respondents, a feat accomplished in the space of two weeks. It was from this survey that Kolbe et. al. concluded that 3% of the population had been sexually assaulted; considering that all were women and half the survey population was male this means that estimate is really 6% of the survey population sexually assaulted. Clearly something is amiss. There are other flags: the researchers also concluded from the data that 6x as many children had been killed in the earthquake; yet a University of Miami study found there were more adult than child causalities. They also found that children were 11 times more likely to have died of injuries after the quake; yet a CDC study of survival rates in improvised post-earthquake hospitals found more adults died and what we know medically is that that children are more likely than adults to survey traumatic orthopedic injuries and to recovery more rapidly. See, Kolbe, Athena R., Royce A. Hutson , Harry Shannon , Eileen Trzcinski, Bart Miles, Naomi Levitz d , Marie Puccio , Leah James , Jean Roger Noel and Robert Muggah 2010 Mortality, crime and access to basic needs before and after the Haiti earthquake: a random survey of Port-au-Prince households In Medicine, Conflict and Survival For Kolbe and Muggah's death rate for injured children 11x that of adults see Surveying see, Kolbe, Athena R. and Robert Muggah 2010 "Haiti’s post-quake needs: a quantitative approach" Humanitarian Exchange Magazine ISSUE 48  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 89 xi The definition for many respondents is wide, capturing attacks that are and are not sexual, meaning that likely misunderstandings would include assaults of a non sexual nature. xii In assessing the significance of the estimates, we can expect that many people who have been raped do not report it to the authorities or friends. But in assessing the results note that it is comparable to alleged reports to surveyors who knock on doors and ask perfect strangers if anyone in the house has been raped. In both cases we are dealing with what can be considered known rapes. Moreover, in Haiti, where the population density is high and so are social networks, anonymity and secrets are not kept as well as in developed countries. Moreover, in assessing these results note that the survey was conducted in Leogane, the epicenter of the earthquake, and Carrefour, a highly urbanized region of Port-au-Prince that is closest to the epicenter, one of the most damaged areas, and an area where IOM reported 6 months after the earthquake over half the population living in IDP camps, that still has the 4th highest IDP population in Port-au-Prince (14 months after the earthquake IOM reported 14% of Carrefour population still living in camps). Yet we found no evidence that rapes in Carrefour and Leogane were even close to the rate in the United States; we found no statistical differences between Carrefour and Leogane. Moreover, even if we were to assume that the actual number of rapes was four times that reported in the surveys it would only then equal the US rate and still throw the reports of the extensive violent rape into question. xiii We correct the figure with an adjusting for 'infant mortality' because 'age at first birth' is derived from oldest living child. xiv Insight into patterns of conjugal union in the area can be n examination of number of children born to men and women in lieu of number of partner-parents (how many fathers or mothers respondents had the children with), and ethnographic data from elsewhere gives. Specifically, we found that 1,216 of the 1,643 respondents in the survey had children. There are more mothers than fathers (660 mothers vs. 556 fathers). There are also more children born to mothers than fathers (2,060 vs. 1,942). In theory, this excess number of births among mothers and lower overall number of fathers could he attributed to women bearing greater numbers of children with partners from outside the survey areas. Experience suggests that this is not the case (Schwartz 1998; Murray 1977). Moreover, if we assume that the tendency for males and females parenting with people in the area is equal, the findings fit the expectation that a minority of fathers either a) do not recognize their children, b) the mothers do not inform or allow the fathers to claim paternity, or c) paternity is unknown. Thus, statistically speaking and all things being equal, what we find is that 109 of the 3,967 children born to our respondents have no father (Table 8.7). The preceding figure of fathers less children is much lower than many would expect given high number of reported fatherless children from organizations such as UNICEF (which by inference estimated in its 2004 Children on the Brink Report that as many 1 in 10 Haitian children were fatherless). But it is surely concealed in part by a countervailing adaptation on the part of women to their monopoly over reproduction and the opportunity to assign paternity. A certain proportion of mothers assign paternity to multiple fathers. One study suggested that 13% of all children in a rural village had multiple fathers (Schwartz 2000). This is not unique to this village and certainly not unique to Haiti alone, but it does appear to be a pronounced and institutionalized pattern for at least of minority of Haitian women in rural areas and popular urban quarters. An ethnographic parallel to women assigning paternity to multiple fathers it is the fictive illness known as perdsisyon --technically known as 'arrested pregnancy syndrome--in which women are believed to carry a fetus for as long as five years. Both men and women widely accept the disease as legitimate--a national study found that as many as 8% of women claim to have suffered the affliction (Barnes- Josiah et al 1996)--and it allows women to dupe their husbands or lovers into accepting paternity for children that do not biologically belong to them Knowledge of perdisyon, the tendency for some women to assign paternity to multiple fathers and the culturally expected role of men to give money and support to women who have their children, helps inform some findings in the gender survey. First of all, Haitian women tend to marry up in age, as evident in the significantly greater number of women in union at lower age groups; and we can infer from the data in Table 8.5 thru 8.8 that 4/5ths of children are the offspring of men 36 years of age and older (see also Chart 8.10 & 8.11), precisely those men who have greater resources to share with women who are fathering them. In Chart 8.12, it can be seen that the relationship is, for the sample size, statistically significant.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 90 xv Cases documented of women being caught aborting children and punished with humiliation tactics such as being tied up in the market and having the "crime" broadcast over a megaphone (Schwartz 2000). Contraceptives too have traditional been informally sanctioned, women who use them being thought of as promiscuous and women warned away from using them with the belief that they will become sick and that contraceptives are a developed world plot to limit the number of Haitians on earth (ibid). These beliefs fit into what has been called Haiti's "pronatal socio- fertility complex," an array of mutually reinforcing beliefs that assure high fertility, even among young women who may not want to bear children (ibid). With this in mind, we fully expected to find that respondents overwhelmingly abhor abortion and contraceptives. We got something different. 13. Annex: Questionnaire Questionnaire English (Questions are not in the order asked but arranged for convenience of category) Introduction Hello, my name is ________ I am working on a survey for CARE International. We are conducting research to better understand relationships between men and women in the area. We would like to ask you some questions. Your identity will be confidential. You are free to refuse to give me an interview and if you decide to give the interview free to refuse to respond to any questions. Do you agree to do the interview? ( if yes, signs consent form). Yes No Orientation Choose the community where the respondent lives Kafou Leogane Locality? That is, City Suburb Town or village Country Enumerator choose your name Janvier Judithe Emile Marckenson Previlon Renaud Fils Sonia Sabine Vilfort Prophete Sylvestre Lacombe Dieula Remy Odile Simon Joana Joseph Ricardo Vernet Darline Intervol Jude Egain Ambeau Emile Pharrel Vilfort Judith Respondent  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 91 Respondent's last name? Your first name? Telephone number Sex? Fi Gason Where were you raised? Here Elsewhere Where where you born? Artibonite Centre Grand Anse ..... At what age did you move here? Age now? Education? Other education or training? All income earning activities? Number of children? How many living brothers and sisters do you have on your mother's side? How many living brothers and sisters do you have on your father's side? How many of them live close enough that you can seek their assistance when you need them? If you have a problem with money or not enough food in the house, who do you first go to for assistance? My mother My Father My Grandmother .... And if you need advice for a personal problem you are having, who do you usually go to first? My mother My Father My Grandmother My Grandfather My son.....  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 92 Household Who is the household head? Myself Woman of the house Man of the house ... Gender of household head Gason Fi Gason ak Fi How many people live in the house (sleep here more often than elsewhere)? Girls 0 to 5 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 .... Boys 0 to 5 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 .... Girls/women 6 to 25 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 ... Boys/men 6 to 25 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 .... Women older than 25 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 .... Men older than 25 years of age 0 1 2 3 4 ... How many children who sleep in the house are not family of any one else in the house? How many adult servants do you have/employ? Do you and your family own this house? Yes No Do you and your family own the land? Yes No Roof type? Thatch Tin Concrete Tarp Wood Other Toilet? Flush Toilet Block outhouse Wood outhouse Hole Nothing Other Source(s) of electricity? Nothing Grid Generator Invertor Solar panel What fuel do you most often use to cook food? Wood Charcoal Gas Primary drinking water? Bottle water We treat it Water as it is Other Where does the household get it's general purpose water? Cistern at the house ......  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 93 How far in minutes is it? Who is the primary bread winner? My self My mother My Father .... What is his/her primary occupation? Salaries work Commerce ..... Second primary bread winner? My self My mother My Father .... What is his/her primary occupation? Salaries work Commerce ..... Who is the primary manager of the household budget? My self My mother ..... Does anyone in the house own a motorcycle taxi? Yes No Do you personally have another business? Salaries work Commerce .... How much do you do you spend average per day on food for the household meal(s)? Do you personally, do you own any of the following? Land Livestock Furniture..... Since the earthquake (douz janvie), has anyone in your family taken your money, land or anything else you owned without your agreement or consent? Yes No How many people in the house are in school? Who does the following tasks: (girls, boys, all children, men/man, women/woman....) • Fetches water? • Washes clothes? • Wash dishes? • Cleans house? • Makes food? • Watches the children? • Takes the children to school? • Buys at the local store? • Buys in the market? • Works outside the home? • Makes daily decisions about what to cook for meals? • Makes big decisions regarding purchasing land, transportation, or other investments • Makes the final decision regarding who sleeps in the house? • Works the hardest?  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 94 Medical When a child is sick who best knows what to do? My self My mother .... When was the last time someone in the house was sick? This month Last month ... What did they have? Cold/flu fever stomach ache injured ... Where did you first seek help? other Private doctor Clinic ... And after that where did you go other Private doctor Clinic .... Independence If you want to go visit a friend or family who lives far away, do you need to ask permission from someone else in the house? Yes No And if you want to join a group (such as a woman's group or hang out with your friends), do you need to ask permission from someone else in the house? Yes No When you and your partner disagree, who usually wins? Myself My partner Don't have partner Compromise - NGO Data Since the earthquake, how many NGO seminars have you attended? Are you a member of any of the following organizations....... Do you hold an official position in the organization? Yes No Now I'm going to pose some hypothetical situations and I would like you to tell me your opinion. If a mother has a daughter who is 16 years of age and the mother discovers that the girl is having sexual relations with a boy of 16, what should the mother do if the girl is still in school? Go on with life Speak to him/her Beat him/her Support him/her Call the police Other  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 95 And if she is not in school? Go on with life Speak to him/her Beat him/her Support him/her Call the police Other And if the girl is in school and the guy she is having a relationship with is 35 years old, but he has the means to take care of her, what should the mother do? Go on with life Speak to him/her Beat him/her Support him/her Call the police Other And if the girl is not in school? Go on with life Speak to him/her Beat him/her Support him/her Call the police Other Sex Who needs sex more? male female both the same don't know At what age should a female begin to have sexual relations? 12 years of age 13 years of age 14 years of age 15 years of age 16 years of age 17 years of age 18 + years of age When he/she wants Whe he/she is ready When he/she finishes school When he/she finds someone When he/she had a job When he/she marries Other At what age should a male begin to have sexual relations? 12 an 13 an 14 an 15 an 16 an 17 an 18 + an Lè li vle Lè li pare Contraceptives In general, is there more good associated with contraceptives or more bad? More good More bad Same Don't know Why do you say more good? Regulate number of offspring Avoid disease Other Why do you say more bad? It makes you sick People criticize you It is for sleazy people Do you think that a woman has the right to decide not to have children even if her husband wants children? Yes No Do you think that a man has the right to decide not to have children even if his wife wants children? Yes No  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 96 Abortion In which of the following situations would you say that it is justifiable for a woman to have an abortion? medical condition in case of rape too young still in school no spouse too poor too many children never other Fertility and Family How many children should a couple have? 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15+ If a couple has 6 children and another couple has 3 children, who's usually better off? Six Three If a couple has 3 girls and another couple has three boys, who is better off? Three girls Three boys Do people need to have children? Yes No According to you, what is the most important reason a woman should chose a husband? Love Money Character Family Education Religion Hard worker Faithful Responsible Other And what is the second most important reason? Love Money Character Family Education Religion Hard worker Faithful Responsible Other And if the man is poor, what advice would you give a woman? stay with him ignore it other According to you, what is the most important reason a man should chose a wife? Love Money Character Family Education Religion Hard worker Faithful Responsible Other And what is the second most important reason? Love Money Character Family Education Religion Hard worker Faithful Responsible Other Who most needs the other more? Husband more needs his wife Wife needs her husband more Both need the other same  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 97 And you, could you live your life without a spouse? Yes No How would you qualify you current relationship with your spouse? Very good Good ok not good terrible How would you qualify you current relationship with your children? Very good Good ok not good terrible Violence With which statement to you most agree? Women more often incite men to violence or initiate a physical fight with women or Men more often incite violence against women or beat them without good cause If a man beats a woman and she didn't deserve it, what is the punishment that he should get? nothing prison fine be allowed to hit him/her back ask forgiveness other If a woman beats a man and he didn't deserve it, what is the punishment that he should get? nothing prison fine be allowed to hit him/her back ask forgiveness other The last time someone beat you up or attacked you, where was it? never this year last year three years ago more than three years ago when I was a child Who beat you? My mother My father My grandmothe r My grandfather Husband Wife Girl/boy friend Brother Sister Aunt uncle cousin Nothing to me Police Teacher My child other Why did they beat you? for words over work over a lover jealous over money other Do you think that you deserved it? Yes No The last time you 'slapped the shit out of someone', when was it? never this year last year three years ago more than three years ago when I was a child  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 98 Who was it? Husband boy/girl frirn Wife Brother Sister Cousin Nothing to meWhy? for words over work over a lover jealous over money other - Go With respect to the law, police and justice, is it legal for, A man to beat his wife? A woman to beat her husband? For a man to force his girlfriend to have sex when she doesn't want to? For a husband to force his wife to have sex whe she doesn't want to? Do you remember when the last time it was that they passed a new law regarding rape? Security In the following list, what two biggest problems do you think that young women have these days? Education Job/money Pregancy Insecurity/crime Domestic violence Drugs and alcohol In the following list, what two biggest problems do you think that young men have these days? Education Job/money Insecurity/crime Domestic violence Drugs and alcohol If we were not talking about crime, what is the biggest problem you think that we have in the country today? Thievery Violence Rape Political turmoil Other Rape I would like you to consider all the people you know. What do I mean when I say "know." 1) you know the person and the person knows you (you know their name and they know yours'), 2) you have talked to the person at least once since the earthquake, 3) you could contact the person if you needed to Now, do you "know" anyone who, since the earthquake, has been raped? Yes No If, yes, how many people do you know who have been raped? If a woman is raped, what should she do? nothing call police tell my family go to the clinic go see people at church other  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 99 If a man is raped, what should he do? nothing call police tell my family go to the clinic go see people at church other Where should a person go if he or she is raped? hospital health clinic church police special clinic other How do you see the way police handle rapes cases? they can make matters worse they do nothing they should know I don't know If you compare the situation now with the way it was before the earthquake, do you think that the services for rape victims are better or worse? better now same as before worse now I don't know Do you think there that was more rape before the earthquake or more now? more know more before earthquake same I don't know According to you, which is the greater shame, to have someone in your family who has been raped or someone who has raped another person? rapist victim same shame it's not a shame for the family And if someone were to rape a woman in this neighborhood, what yo think your neighbors would do about it? Go on with life Call the police Call the sheriff Beat him Kill him Talk to his family Other Take GPS reading  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 100 WORKS CITED Amnesty International, 2011 "Aftershocks: Women Speak Out Against Sexual Violence In Haiti’s Camps" 2 Anglade, Mireille Neptune. 1996 "La Femme Haïtienne en Chiffres." Port-au-Prince: CIFD/UNICEF. ARD (Associates in Rural Development) 1996 "Haiti’s Local Democracy: An Assessment of the Status Quo and Prospects for Sustainable Local Self-Governance." Volume I, November 1996. Athena R Kolbe (University of Michigan), Robert Muggah (Small Arms Survey), Royce A. Hutson (Wayne State University), Leah James (University of Michigan), Marie Puccio (University of Michigan), Elieen Trzcinski (Wayne State University), Harry Shannon (McMaster University), Naomi Levitz (Wayne State University), Roger Jean Noel (MABO Children’s Home, Bon Repos) Assessing Needs After the Quake: Preliminary Findings from a Randomized Survey of Port-au-Prince Households Baldwin, Katherine (Reuters) 2010 April 1st Rape Blights Lives Of Haiti's Quake Survivors” Bastien, Remy. 1961. Haitian rural family organization. Social and Economic Studies 10(4):478– 510. Bell, Beverly, 2001 Walking on Fire. Cornell University Press Berleant-Schiller, Riva. 1978. The failure of agricultural development in post-emancipation Brittain, Ann W. 1990. Migration and the demographic transition: A West Indian example. Social and Economic Studies 39(3):39–64. Buschkens, W. F. L. 1974. The family system of the Paramaribo Creoles. Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff. CARE, 2013 "CARE Gender Tool Kit" CARE International: Atlanta http://gendertoolkit.care.org/default.aspx CCM (Caribbean Country Management Unit) 2002, December, "A Review of Gender Issues in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica." Caribbean Country Management Unit Gender Group, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit Latin American and the Caribbean Region. Charmes, J. (2000). Indicateurs Sociaux et Suivi des Conditions de Vie des Menages en Haiti: Rapport D'Etape. Rapport de la Mission Effectuee pour le PNUD en Haiti, du 7 au 15 Janvier et du 13 au 18Janvier 2000. Port-au-Prince: PNUD.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 101 Clarke, E. 1966. My mother who fathered me: A study of the family in three selected communities in Jamaica, 2nd ed. London: George Allen and Unwin. CNN (Allie Torgan) 2012 April 26th Seeking justice for Haiti's rape victims Cohen, Yehudi A. 1956. Structure and function: Family organization and socialization in a Jamaican community. American Anthropologist 58:664–87. Correia, Maria. “Gender and Poverty in Haiti.” 1996. Courlander, Harold. 1960. The Hoe and the drum: Life and lore of the Haitian people. Berkeley: University of California Press. Daniel C. Taylor, Carl E. Taylor, Jesse O. Taylor, ‘’Empowerment on an Unstable Planet: From Seeds of Human Energy to a Scale of Global Change’’ (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012) Davenport, William. 1961. The family system of Jamaica. Social and Economic Studies, 4(1):420–54. Demattee, Anthony J. 2012 Haitian salary drivers: hedonic wage regression of the Haitian Department for Infrastructure and Economic Cooperation. "The Informal Economy: Fact Finding Study". http://rru.worldbank.org/Documents/PapersLinks/Sida.pdf. Retrieved 20 November 2011. Divinski, Randy, Rachel Hecksher, and Jonathan Woodbridge, eds. 1998. Haitian women: Life on the front lines. London: PBI (Peace Brigades International). At www. peacebrigades.org/bulletin.html. Durant-Gonzalez, Victoria. 1976. Role and status of rural Jamaican women: Higglering and mothering. Master’s thesis, University of California, Berkeley. EMMUS 2012 Report Preliminaire, Enquête mortalité, morbidité et utilisation des services, Haïti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Haiti. EMMUS-III. 2005/2006. Enquête mortalité, morbidité et utilisation des services, Haïti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Haiti: Institut Haitien de L'Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD" Macro International. EMMUS-II. 2000. Enquête Mortalité, Morbidité et Utilisation des Services, Haïti 2000 (EMMUS-II). Cayemittes, Michel, Florence Placide, Bernard Barrère, Soumaila Mariko, Blaise Sévère. Haiti: Institut Haitien de L'Enfance Petionville and Calverton, MD: Macro International. Faul, Michelle (Associated Press) 2010 March 16th "Rape In Haiti: Women, Girls Detail Violent Attacks In Aftermath Of Haiti Earthquake"  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 102 Fox News March 15, 2010. "Women, girls rape victims in Haiti quake aftermath". Francis, Donette A. 2004 Silences too horrific to disturb: Writing sexual histories in Edwidge Danticat’s Breath, eyes, memory. Research in African Literatures 35(2):75–90. Fuller, Anne. 1999 “Challenging Violence: Haitian Women Unite Women’s Rights and Human Rights.” Association of Concerned Africa Scholars, Special Bulletin on Women and War, Spring/Summer Fuller, Anne. 2005. Challenging violence: Haitian women unite women’s rights and human rights special bulletin on women and war. At acas.prairienet.org. accessed October 19, 2006. Originally published in the Spring/Summer 1999 by the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars. Fuller, Anne. 2005. Challenging violence: Haitian women unite women’s rights and human rights special bulletin on women and war. At acas.prairienet.org. accessed October 19, 2006. Originally published in the Spring/Summer 1999 by the Association of Concerned Africa Scholars. Gardella, Alexis 2006 Gender Assessment for USAID Assessment Country Strategy Gearing, Margaret Jean. l988. The reproduction of labor in a migration society: Gender, kinship, and household in St. Vincent, West Indies. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville. Greenfield, Sidney M. 1961. Socio-economic factors and family form: A Barbadian case study. Social and Economic Studies 10(1):72–85. Griffith, David C. 1985. Women remittances and reproduction. American Ethnologist 12(4):676– 90. Handwerker, W. Penn. 1989. Women’s power and social revolution: Fertility transition in the West Indies. Newbury Park: Sage. Herskovits, Melville J. 1937. Life in a Haitian valley. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Hill, Donald R. 1977. The impact of migration on the metropolitan and folk society of Carriacou, Grenada 54. Part 2, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. New York: AMNH. Huffington Post, (Bell, Beverly) 2010, March 24th, "Our Bodies are Shaking Now: Rape Follows Earthquake in Haiti." Inter-American Development Bank (1999). Facing up to Inequality. Washington D.C.: Inter-  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 103 American Development Bank. James, Erica Caple 2010 Democratic Insecurities: Violence, Trauma, and Intervention in Haiti Oxford University Press Killworth a, Peter D., Christopher McCarty, H. Russell Bernard , and Mark House 2006 The accuracy of small world chains in social networks. Social Networks 28 (2006) 85–96 Kolbe, Athena R. and Robert Muggah 2010 "Haiti’s post-quake needs: a quantitative approach" Humanitarian Exchange Magazine ISSUE 48 Kolbe, Athena R. and Robert Muggah, 2012 "Haiti’s Urban Crime Wave? Results from Monthly Household Surveys" August 2011 - February 2012 Kolbe, Athena R., Royce A. Hutson , Harry Shannon , Eileen Trzcinski, Bart Miles, Naomi Levitz d , Marie Puccio , Leah James , Jean Roger Noel and Robert Muggah 2010 Mortality, crime and access to basic needs before and after the Haiti earthquake: a random survey of Port- au-Prince households In Medicine, Conflict and Survival Kundstadter, Peter. 1963. A survey of the consanguine or matrifocal family. American Anthropologist 65:56–66 Lagro, Monique and Donna Plotkin. 1990. The agricultural traders of St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Grenada, Dominica and St. Lucia. New York: United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Lampietti, Julien A., and Linda Stalker. “Consumption Expenditure and Female Poverty: A Review of the Evidence.” The World Bank Development Research Group/Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network, April 2000. Leon and Foreit's (2009) Household Decision-Making Scale. Leyburn, James G. 1966 [1941]. The Haitian people. New Haven: Yale University Press Lowenthal, Ira. 1987. Marriage is 20, children are 21: The cultural construction of conjugality in rural Haiti. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University Magnani, Robert 2013 "Sampling Guide" http://www.ais.up.ac.za/health/blocks/tnm800/EssentialTNM800/DayThree/ExtraSampling/Sam plingGuide.pdf Mantz, Jeffrey 2007. How a huckster becomes a custodian of market morality: Traditions of flexibility in exchange in Dominica. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14:19–38. Massiah, Joycelin.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 104 1983. Women as heads of households in the Caribbean: Family structure and feminine status. United Kingdom: UNESCO. Maternowska, Catherine. 1996. Coups d’etat and contraceptives: A political economy analysis of family planning in Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University. Maynard-Tucker, G. 1996. Unions, fertility, and the quest for survival. Social Science & Medicine 43(9):1, 379–87. Metraux, Rhoda. 1951. Kith and kin: a study of Creole social structure in Marbial, Haiti. Dissertation, Columbia University. Miami Herald 2004 May 16th "In Haiti's chaos, unpunished rape was norm." MICIVIH, June 17, 1994. Mintz, Sidney. 1955. The Jamaican internal marketing pattern: some notes and hypothesis. Social and Economic Studies 4(1):95–103. ———. 1971. Men, women and trade. Comparative Studies in Society and History. 13:247–69. ———. 1974. Caribbean transformations. Chicago: Aldine. ———. 1981. Economic role and cultural tradition. In The black woman cross-culturally, ed. Filomina Chioma Steady, 513–34. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman. ———. 1985. From plantations to peasantries in the Caribbean. In Caribbean contours, ed. Sidney W. Mintz and Sally Price, 127–53. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Moral, Paul. 1961. Le Paysan Haitien. Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose. Murray Gerald F. 1977. The evolution of Haitian peasant land tenure: Agrarian adaptation to population growth. Dissertation, Columbia University. N’zengou-Tayo M.-J. 1998. “Fanm se poto mitan”: Haitian woman, the pillar of society [Fanm se poto mitan: la femme Haïtienne, pilier de la société]. Mona, Jamaica: Centre For Gender And Development Studies, University Of The West Indies. Nanda, Geeta. 2011. Compendium of Gender Scales. Washington, DC: FHI 360/C-Chang Numbeo 2013 Crime in Port Au Prince, Haiti http://www.numbeo.com/crime/city_result.jsp?country=Haiti&city=Port+Au+Prince OAH (Office of Adolescent Health) 2013 Trends in Teen Pregnancy and Childbearing http://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/adolescent-health-topics/reproductive-health/teen- pregnancy/trends.html OECD Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Development Cooperation. Paris 1998  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 105 Olwig, Karen Fog. 1985. Cultural adaptation and resistance on St. John: Three centuries of Afro- Caribbean life. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Otterbein, Keith. 1963. The family organization of the Andros Islanders. Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh. ———. 1965. Caribbean family organization: A comparative analysis. American Anthropologist 67:66–79. ———. 1966. The Andros Islanders: A study of family organization in the Bahamas. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press. Philpott, Stuart. 1973. Remittance obligations, social networks and choice among Montserratian migrants in Britain. Man 3:465–76. Planned Parenthood Fact Sheet 2012, by the Katharine Dexter McCormick Library Planned Parenthood Federation of America http://www.plannedparenthood.org/files/PPFA/pregnancy_and_childbearing.pdf Potofil, 2012 "Poto Fi Haiti Girls Initiative Field Survey – Teen Pregnancy And Sexual Violence Summary Report Gender Aftershocks: Teen Pregnancy And Sexual Violence In Haitian Girls Final Results of an Adolescent Field Survey" www.potofi.org | www.potofanm.org Pulerwitz and Barker 2008 Promundo's Gender-Equitable Men (GEM), Scale Pulerwitz, Gortmaker, and DeJong's (2000) Sexual Relationship Power Scale Pulerwitz, J, G Barker, M Segundo, and M Nascimento. 2006. "Promoting more gender- equitable norms and behaviors among young men as an HIV/AIDS prevention strategy." Horizons Final Report. Washington, DC: Population Council. Pulerwitz, J, SL Gortmaker, and W DeJong. 2000. Measuring sexual relationship power in HIV/STD research. Sex Roles 42(7/8): 637–660. Renton, Alex 2007 Sunday 2 December "The rape epidemic" The Observer. Richman, Karen E. 2003. Miami money and the home gal. Anthropology and Humanism 27(2): 119–32. Rigaud, Michèle. 1995 "Politique de Santé pour la Femme Haïtienne." Port-au-Prince: Ministère à la ConditionFéminine et aux Droits de la Femme (MCFDF). Rodman, Hyman. 1971. Lower-class families: The culture of poverty in Negro Trinidad. New York: Oxford University Press. Schuler, Hashemi, and Riley's (1997) Women's Empowerment Scale  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 106 Schuler, SR, SM Hashemi, and AP Riley. 1997. The influence of changing roles and status in Bangladesh's fertility transition: Evidence from a study of credit programs and contraceptive use. World Development, 25(4): 563–75. Schwartz, Timothy T 2011 Fair Wage in Haiti: Assessment Report. International Trade Center's Ethical Fashion Initiative. Unpublished Report Schwartz, Timothy. 1992. Haitian migration: System labotomization. Unpublished master’s thesis, University of Florida, Gainesville. ———. 1998. NHADS survey: Nutritional, health, agricultural, demographic and socio- economic survey: Jean Rabel, Haiti, June 1, 1997–June 11, 1998. Unpublished report, on behalf of PISANO, Agro Action Allemande and Initiative Developpment. Hamburg, Germany. ———. 2000. “Children are the wealth of the poor:” High fertility and the organization of labor in the rural economy of Jean Rabel, Haiti. Dissertation, University of Florida, Gainesville. ———. 2004. “Children are the wealth of the poor”: Pronatalism and the economic utility of children in Jean Rabel, Haiti. Research in Anthropology 22:62–105. ______. 2009 Fewer Men, More Babies: Sex, family and fertility in Haiti. Lexington Press. USA Senior, Olive. 1991. Working miracles: Women’s lives in the English-speaking Caribbean. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Simpson, George Eaton. 1942. Sexual and family institutions in Northern, Haiti. American Anthropologist 44:655–74. Sletten, Pål and Willy Egset. “Poverty in Haiti.” Fafo-paper, 2004. Smith, Jennie Marcelle. 1998. Family planning initiatives and Kalfouno peasants: What's going wrong? Occasional paper/University of Kansas Institute of Haitian Studies, no. 13. Lawrence: Institute of Haitian Studies, University of Kansas. Smith, R. T. 1953. Aspects of family organization in a coastal negro community in British Guiana: A preliminary report. Social and Economic Studies 1(1):87–112. ———. 1956. The Negro family in British Guiana. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. ———. 1988. Kinship and class in the West Indies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ———. 1996 The matrifocal family: Power, pluralism and politics. New York and London: Routledge. Smith, R. T. 1953. Aspects of family organization in a coastal negro community in British Guiana: A preliminary report. Social and Economic Studies 1(1):87–112. Smucker, Glenn Richard. 1983. Peasants and development politics: A study in class and culture. Dissertation, New School for Social Research. Solien, Nancie.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 107 1959. The consanguineal household among the black Carib of central America. Dissertation, University of Michigan. Stephenson, R, D Bartel, and M Rubardt. 2010. Constructs of power and equity and their association with contraceptive use among African men and women. Tardif, Francine. 1991 "La Situation des Femmes Haïtiennes." Port-au-Prince: Comité Inter- Agences Femmes et Développement Système des Nations Unies (CIFD). The World Bank (Dorte Verner), 2008 "Making Poor Haitians Count: Poverty in Rural and Urban Haiti. Based on the First Household Survey for Haiti." Policy Research Working Paper 4571. The World Health Survey (WHS) "Sampling Guidelines for Participating Countries" http://www.who.int/healthinfo/survey/whssamplingguidelines.pdf The World Health Survey (WHS) Sampling Guidelines for Participating Countries http://www.who.int/healthinfo/survey/whssamplingguidelines.pdf Understanding Children’s Work Project (UCW) (2006) Child labour indicators / tables / Haiti, Rome: Understanding Children’s Work Project, An Inter-Agency Research Cooperation Project, ILO / UNICEF / World Bank, http://www.ucw-project.org/Pages/Tables.aspx?id=1262 (accessed 20 July 2013), drawing on data from the 2005-2006 DHS/EMMUS. UNFPA 2007 UNICEF 2004 Children on the Brink Report UNICEF 2006. Fertility and contraceptive use: Global database on contraceptive prevalence. At www.childinfo.org/eddb/fertility/dbcontrc.htm, accessed May 3, 2006. UNICEF 2008 UNIFEM (United Nations Development Fund for Women, 2004, July, "UNIFEM In Haiti: United Nations Development Programme 2006. Human development indicators 2003. At hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2003/indicator/indic_196_1_1.html United Nations. 1999. Human development report. New York: Author. ———. 2000. Indicators on income and economic activity. United Nations Statistics Division. At www.un.org/Depts/unsd/social/inc-eco.htm. ———. 2005. World population prospects. The 2004 revision population data base. At esa.un.org/unpp, accessed February 3, 2007. United Nations. 2006. Demographic yearbook.At unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/ products/dyb/dyb2.htm, accessed March 24, 2007.  CARE Leogane & Carrefour Gender Survey 108 United Nations Development Programme. 2004. Millennium development goals look out of reach for increasingly impoverished Haitians. At www.undp.org/mdg/news2. shtml. ———. 2006. Human development indicators 2003. At hdr.undp.org/reports/global/ 2003/indicator/indic_196_1_1.html. USAID 1997 "Results Review and Resource Request." USAID/Haiti. Walker, Della M. 1968. Family and social structure in Anguilla. In The family in the Caribbean: Proceedings of the first conference on the family in the Caribbean, ed. Stanford N. Gerber, 111– 16. Rio Piedras: Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of Puerto Rico. Waszak, Severy, Kafafi, and Badawi's (2000) Gender Norm Attitudes Scale, Stephenson, Bartel, and Rubardt's (2010) Gender Relations Scale. WHO (World Health Organization). 1999. World Health Organization multinational study of breastfeeding and lactational amennorhea preganancy and breastfeeding: World Health Organization task force on methods for the natural regulation of fertility III. In Sterility and Fertility 72(3):431–40. World Bank 2002. A review of gender issues in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Jamaica. Report No. 21866-LAC. December 11th , Caribbean Management Unit, Latin America and the Caribbean Region. World Bank 2013 Adolescent Fertility Rate (Births per 1,000 Women Aged 15- 19) http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT