Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023: Haiti
Summary — Documents human rights conditions in Haiti during 2023, including gang violence, unlawful killings, prison conditions, judicial failures, gender-based violence, trafficking and restrictions on political participation. It also assesses government accountability for abuses.
Key Findings
- Gang violence expanded into previously unaffected regions, including Artibonite and Centre.
- No democratically elected government officials remained in office during the year.
- The government did not take credible steps to identify and punish officials who may have committed abuses.
- Prison conditions remained life-threatening because of severe overcrowding, food shortages and inadequate medical care.
Full Description
Covers personal integrity, detention, fair-trial guarantees, civil liberties, political participation, corruption, discrimination, labor rights and trafficking. The 2023 assessment describes the territorial expansion of gang violence, abuses attributed to public officials and armed groups, severe prison overcrowding, prolonged pretrial detention, weak judicial independence and limited accountability. It also records conditions affecting women, children, workers, displaced people and other groups exposed to violence or discrimination.
Full Document Text
Extracted text from the original document for search indexing.
Haiti 2023 Human Rights Report
Executive Summary
During the year, gang violence in Haiti expanded into previously unaffected
regions, including the Artibonite and Center Departments. Kidnappings for
ransom by armed gangs increased and affected all parts of society. There
were no democratically elected government officials in office.
Significant human rights issues included credible reports of: arbitrary or
unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings; torture or cruel, inhuman, or
degrading treatment or punishment by government agents; harsh and life-
threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest or detention; serious
problems with the independence of the judiciary; serious abuses in a
conflict, including widespread civilian deaths or harm, enforced
disappearances or abductions, torture, and physical abuses; inability of
citizens to change their government peacefully through free and fair
elections; serious government corruption; extensive gender-based violence,
including sexual and other forms of violence; substantial barriers to sexual
and reproductive health services access; trafficking in persons, including
forced labor; crimes involving violence and threats of violence targeting
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, or intersex persons; and existence
of some of the worst forms of child labor.
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The government did not take credible steps to identify and punish officials
who may have committed abuses.
Gang violence continued at high rates in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan
area. Some gangs allegedly received support from political and economic
elites. Armed gangs were also responsible for conflicts resulting in killings,
brutal attacks on citizens, targeted instances of sexual violence, mutilation
of human remains, widespread displacement, and the destruction of homes
and property.
Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person
a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or
Politically Motivated Killings
There were several reports that the government or its agents committed
arbitrary and unlawful killings, including extrajudicial killings. Between April
and June, the Human Rights Office of the UN Integrated Office in Haiti
(BINUH) documented at least 18 killings of northeast neighborhood
residents in Tabarre, Port-au-Prince, by individuals in police uniforms.
BINUH referred these cases to Haitian National Police (HNP) authorities,
who stated police would investigate accordingly.
Local media documented seven cases of alleged extrajudicial killings of gang
members in the Nippes Department, led by the state commissioner (state
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prosecutor) Jean Ernst Muscadin. Muscadin did not deny his involvement in
the killings and frequently used social media to announce Nippes was a
“graveyard for bandits.”
The bwa kale (peeled wood) vigilante movement began in April; residents
targeted and killed alleged gang members across the country. Human rights
and UN representatives reported some victims were seized from police
custody or otherwise encouraged by HNP members to do so.
Authorities made progress investigating the 2021 assassination of President
Moïse. As of September, the investigative judge assigned to the case had
questioned nearly 60 individuals, issued 30 arrest warrants, and charged 39
detainees. Investigating Judge Walter W. Voltaire also asked the Port-au-
Prince prosecutor to summon the prime minister and other government
officials to testify before the court; their testimonies were pending
authorization by the Council of Ministers. Many members of civil society
organizations and the government continued to believe the judiciary did not
have the capacity to handle such a complex, sensitive, and politicized crime.
The government and judiciary made minimal progress on a growing list of
emblematic killings. While authorities stated they continued to investigate
large-scale attacks in the Port-au-Prince neighborhoods of Grande Ravine
(2017), Bel Air (2018), La Saline (2019), and Cité Soleil (2020), each of which
left dozens dead, the government had yet to bring any perpetrators to
justice. For example, the investigative judge assigned to the La Saline case,
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Jean Wilner Morin, interviewed only two suspects in July.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of enforced disappearances by or on behalf of
government authorities.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment, and Other Related Abuses
Although the constitution prohibited such practices, credible reports from
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) suggested HNP officers occasionally
beat or abused detainees and suspects. BINUH and the Office of Citizens’
Protection (OPC), an independent government ombudsman, documented
cases of abuse in prisons.
Impunity remained a significant problem in the HNP. Civil society
representatives alleged widespread impunity among police officers, driven
largely by poor training and a lack of professionalism, as well as rogue
elements within the HNP who allegedly maintained gang connections.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening due to severe
overcrowding, food shortages, and inadequate medical care.
Abusive Physical Conditions: Overcrowding at prisons and detention
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centers was severe. According to BINUH estimates, the nationwide cell
occupancy rate was 331 percent above the designed capacity.
The Directorate of Prison Administration reported most prisoners received
only one meal daily, of low nutritional quality. Detainees reported that
without financial support or family members bringing them food, they had
nothing to eat. Human rights representatives alleged food shortages were a
result of widespread corruption.
Medical care for prisoners was provided almost exclusively by the NGO
Health Through Walls, which had limited capacity to treat serious and life-
threatening conditions. There was inadequate medical care to stop the
spread of infections such as tuberculosis or scabies. The Directorate of
Prison Administration reported that as of September 11, 200 prisoners had
died of food shortage illnesses and other causes since January.
Prisoners in many prisons and detention centers, including the National
Penitentiary in Port-au-Prince, did not have regular access to sanitary
facilities and were required to relieve themselves in plastic bags they had to
purchase. Prisoners at the National Penitentiary and at Les Cayes had
extremely limited opportunities to leave their cells. Civil society and human
rights representatives alleged gang members and wealthy individuals
received special treatment while in detention and were sometimes released
without proper cause.
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Administration: OPC representatives regularly visited prisons and detention
facilities, which allowed them to investigate credible allegations of inhuman
conditions in prisons and make recommendations to government
authorities.
Independent Monitoring: The Directorate of Prison Administration
permitted the United Nations, local human rights NGOs, the International
Committee of the Red Cross, and other organizations to monitor prison
conditions.
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The law prohibited arbitrary arrest and detention and provided for the right
of any person to challenge the lawfulness of their arrest or detention in
court. The government generally failed to observe these requirements.
Arrest Procedures and Treatment of Detainees
The constitution stated authorities could arrest a person only if that person
was in the act of committing a crime or if the arrest was based on a warrant
issued by a competent official such as a justice of the peace or magistrate.
Authorities were required to bring the detainee before a judge within 48
hours of arrest. The OPC stated authorities generally did not respect the 48-
hour rule.
While authorities generally acknowledged the right to counsel, most
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detainees could not afford a private attorney. The Office of Legal Assistance
was required to provide free legal assistance to anyone the office
coordinator determined was unable to afford such assistance. OPC staff and
human rights representatives reported, however, that shortages of funding,
a limited number of lawyers, and the small number of court hearings
hampered the effectiveness of the office.
There was a bail procedure, but it was rarely used.
The law required prosecutors to routinely visit detention centers and police
stations to provide for proper treatment of detainees and respect for arrest
procedures; OPC staff stated these visits rarely occurred.
Arbitrary Arrest: Independent observers confirmed instances of police
arresting individuals without warrants even when those individuals were not
apprehended while committing a crime, or with improperly prepared
warrants. Authorities frequently detained individuals on unspecified
charges. Human rights organizations reported police sometimes arrested
large groups of persons attending protests or near crime scenes without
attempting to ascertain who was committing a crime.
Civil society and human rights organizations alleged some repatriated
citizens were detained after their repatriation despite having committed no
crime in the country. These organizations alleged the individuals were held
illegally by government officials who sought to secure bribes in exchange for
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their release.
Pretrial Detention: Illegal and prolonged pretrial detention was a problem
due to the arbitrary application of court rules, arbitrary judicial discretion,
corruption, and poor recordkeeping. Many pretrial detainees never
consulted with an attorney, appeared before a judge, or received a docket
timeline. In some cases, detainees spent years in detention without
appearing before a judge. Local human rights groups reported prisoners
were often held even after completing their sentences, due to difficulty
obtaining release orders from the prosecutor’s office. Some prisoners were
held longer in pretrial detention than the mandatory sentences for their
accused crimes.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The law provided for an independent judiciary; however, the government
did not respect judicial independence and impartiality. Judicial
independence continued to erode, according to all major national
magistrate and judges’ associations and human rights activists. On February
28, Prime Minister Henry and the High Transition Council appointed eight
judges to complete the Supreme Court and allow it a quorum to resume
operations.
Senior officials in the executive branch exerted significant influence on the
judicial branch and law enforcement, according to local and international
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human rights organizations. The organizations alleged politicians routinely
influenced judicial decisions and used the justice system to target political
opponents.
Detainees reported credible cases of extortion, false charges, illegal
detention, physical violence by police, and judicial officials’ refusals to
comply with basic due process requirements. The executive branch had the
power to name and dismiss public prosecutors and court clerks at will.
Judges faced less direct pressure from the executive branch because they
served for fixed-term mandates, but civil society organizations and judges
reported a fear of ruling against powerful interests due to concern for job
security and personal safety.
The law required each of the country’s 18 jurisdictions to convene jury and
nonjury trial sessions twice per year, usually in July and December, for
charges involving major, violent crimes. In September a Port-au-Prince
judge reported nonjury cases resumed in the city for the first time in five
years.
Corruption and a lack of judicial oversight severely hindered the right to a
fair public trial. Human rights organizations reported several judicial
officials, including judges and court clerks, arbitrarily charged fees to begin
criminal prosecutions. Observers claimed judges and prosecutors ignored
defendants who did not pay the fees.
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There were credible allegations of unqualified and nonprofessional judges
who received judicial appointments as political favors. There were also
persistent accusations that court deans, responsible for assigning cases to
judges for investigation and review, at times assigned politically sensitive
cases to judges with close ties to the executive and legislative branches.
Many judicial officials reportedly held full-time jobs outside the courts,
although the constitution barred this practice except when teaching. In June
the Superior Judicial Council declined to certify 30 magistrates because the
magistrates had misrepresented their credentials, engaged in corruption, or
committed other breaches of conduct. Of these noncertified magistrates,
however, only one was removed from his position.
Judges were required to order a trial or dismiss the case within six months.
Judges and other judicial actors frequently did not meet this deadline due to
insecurity, corruption, or other noncompliance problems, resulting in
unlawful and prolonged pretrial detention for many detainees.
Persistent strikes by clerks, lawyers, judges, and prosecutors hindered timely
court proceedings. Nationwide strikes by court clerks and magistrates from
March through June prevented most courts from conducting hearings during
that period.
The lack of an elected president since the 2021 assassination of Jovenel
Moïse and the absence of an elected parliament were major obstacles to
maintaining a functioning judiciary. Individual lawyers, judges, and clerks in
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the Port-au-Prince area reported believing they were unsafe traveling to
work, which led to delayed trials and exacerbated pretrial detention.
Human rights groups stated corruption and demands for bribes delayed the
trial process.
Despite the July 2022 relocation of the Port-au-Prince Court of First Instance
to the headquarters of the OPC for security reasons, the court lacked proper
security mechanisms, and armed men robbed the new facilities on May 24.
Although the former prosecutor for the court reported no sensitive
documents were taken, the robbers stole weapons, money, and other
documents from the court.
Trial Procedures
The constitution provided for the right to a fair and public trial, but the
judiciary did not uniformly enforce this right. Authorities widely ignored
constitutional trial and due process rights.
Defendants had the right to the assistance of an attorney of their choice, but
legal aid programs were limited, and those who could not pay for attorneys
were not always provided one free of charge. The law did not specifically
provide a defendant time to prepare an adequate defense. Defendants had
the right to confront hostile witnesses and present their own witnesses and
evidence, but judges often denied these rights. The perception of
widespread impunity discouraged some witnesses from testifying at trials.
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While French and Haitian Creole were both official languages, despite
Haitian Creole being the most commonly spoken language, all laws were
written and most legal proceedings conducted in French. Observers noted
judges generally ensured defendants fully understood the proceedings.
The functioning of justice of the peace courts, the lowest courts in the
judicial system, was inadequate. Justices presided based on their personal
availability and often maintained separate, full-time jobs. Law enforcement
authorities rarely maintained order during court proceedings, and
frequently there was no court reporter. To avoid lengthy waits, defendants
would often bribe judges to have their cases heard.
In many communities, especially in rural areas, elected communal
administrators with no legal judicial authority took on the role of state
judges and asserted powers of arrest, detention, and issuance of legal
judgments. Some communal administrators turned their offices into
courtrooms.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees.
f. Transnational Repression
Not applicable.
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g. Property Seizure and Restitution
Not applicable.
h. Arbitrary or Unlawful Interference with Privacy, Family,
Home, or Correspondence
The law prohibited such actions, and there were no reports the government
failed to respect these prohibitions.
i. Conflict-related Abuses
Armed gangs, some alleged to be supported by political and business actors,
dramatically increased their territorial holdings throughout the metropolitan
Port-au-Prince area and north into the Artibonite Department, including
areas traditionally considered safe. Intergang conflicts, gang operations,
and HNP attacks on gangs resulted in the death of hundreds of residents.
Reports emerged of serious human rights abuses, including cannibalism and
violent destruction of human remains, which were publicized for maximum
psychological effect; the targeted use of collective and repeated sexual
violence; the targeting of telecommunications and electric infrastructure;
and the deliberate destruction of homes and businesses. In addition to gang
violence, the nationwide vigilante bwa kale movement, composed of
neighborhood residents, killed alleged gang members. BINUH reported gang
violence killed 2,853 persons between January and August, including
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members of the HNP, alleged gang members, and neighborhood residents.
Approximately 86 percent of killings occurred in the West Department,
which included Port-au-Prince.
The Grand Ravine gang, led by Renel “Ti Lapli” Destine, continued
attempting to seize the Carrefour-Feuilles area south of Port-au-Prince and
launched attacks of increasing intensity on HNP and residents beginning in
April and intensifying significantly in August.
The Eyes Wide Open Foundation reported a marked increase in gang
violence in the Artibonite Department, immediately north of Port-au-Prince.
The two largest gangs active in that area – Gran Grif and Kokorat Sans Ras –
expanded their territories to control much of the lower Artibonite between
July and September.
In July the Kraze Baryè gang, led by Vitel’Homme Innocent, seized control of
much of the Tabarre neighborhood of Port-au-Prince. Human rights
representatives and security sources reported that beginning on July 23, the
gang sent squads of armed men through the area in a show of force to
displace residents.
Killings: Violence continued at high rates within gang-controlled areas.
From April through June, BINUH estimated at least 176 neighborhood
residents were killed by gangs’ snipers as they tried to enter and exit
portions of Cité Soleil.
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The Center for Analysis and Research in Human Rights estimated that
between April 24 and June 24, vigilantes participating in the bwa kale
movement killed 204 alleged gang members across all 10 departments.
BINUH reported that on August 11-14, at least 28 residents were killed in
the Grand Ravine gang’s attacks on Carrefour-Feuilles.
On August 26, a local pastor led a large group of parishioners, armed with
sticks, machetes, and other rudimentary weapons, on a march to gang-
controlled Canaan. The Canaan gang, led by Jeff Larose, attacked the group
when they arrived. BINUH estimated gang members killed 10 parishioners
and kidnapped dozens more.
Abductions: Armed gangs in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area and
around the country continued the practice of kidnapping for ransom. As of
June 30, BINUH reported 2,029 kidnappings for ransom, the majority of
which occurred in the West Department, which included Port-au-Prince.
These data, however, included only kidnappings reported to authorities;
observers believed the actual number was likely higher. Human rights
organizations reported gangs subjected those they kidnapped to
mistreatment, including deprivation of food, physical and sexual violence,
and other abuses. There were several reports of gangs inflicting and
videotaping sexual violence against victims to pressure families to pay
ransoms more quickly.
Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture: Investigations by several UN and
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human rights organizations concluded gangs in the metropolitan Port-au-
Prince area systematically employed sexual violence as a tool of degradation
and community control in gang-controlled and gang violence-prone areas.
Armed groups raped women, girls, men, and boys with impunity and often
in public places as gangs conquered new territory, fought in intergang
conflicts, and sought to maintain control over territories. Survivors reported
instances of rape by multiple aggressors in short periods of time, being
penetrated by objects, and being raped in front of family members. Gangs
videotaped and circulated sexual assaults of kidnapped women and girls to
pressure their families to pay ransoms. Human rights organizations also
reported instances of gender-based violence as “retaliation” by one gang
against populations controlled by rival gangs. Sexual violence remained
widely underreported, especially among male survivors. BINUH reported at
least 49 women and girls were raped by G-9 allied gang members in Cité
Soleil as part of an April attack against the Brooklyn zone.
Armed groups filmed acts of decapitation, butchery, and cannibalism and
circulated video on social media to terrorize police as well as members of
rival gangs. Vigilante groups also shared footage of alleged gang members
being burned alive.
Following the August 26 march of parishioners to the gang-controlled
Canaan area, members of the Canaan gang circulated footage of themselves
beating and torturing members of the church group.
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Other Conflict-related Abuse: Gangs continually targeted schools, churches,
and hospitals. On February 6, members of the Ti Makak gang invaded the
Ecole Satigny, an elementary school south of Pétionville, and held its
students hostage for several hours. Doctors Without Borders reported
several attacks on their hospital facilities throughout Port-au-Prince,
including a January 27 attack where gang members dragged a patient out of
the hospital and executed him less than 15 yards from hospital grounds.
During the Grand Ravine gang’s attacks against the Carrefour-Feuilles
neighborhood beginning in April, gang members looted and burned homes
en masse to displace residents and prevent any resistance. Grand Ravine
members also disabled power infrastructure on August 14; as of September
12, the surrounding areas remained without power. Gang violence caused
extensive displacement in the metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties
a. Freedom of Expression, Including for Members of the
Press and Other Media
The constitution provided for freedom of expression, including for members
of the press and other media, and the government generally respected this
right. Civil society observers, however, noted this right was not always
upheld or respected, due principally to gang violence.
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Violence and Harassment: Journalists reported a deteriorating security
climate and said some journalists resorted to self-censorship to avoid being
publicly targeted by political or gang leaders. Notably, as part of an attack
on the lower Artibonite town of Liancourt, members of the Gran Grif gang
burned down the Radio Antartique broadcasting station on July 23. The
station’s director and founder Roderson Elias said he believed the gang
deliberately targeted the station. These attacks led many journalists to be
fearful of reprisal. Other journalists said they received threats related to
their coverage of gang activities.
Nongovernmental Impact: Journalists covering gang violence reported they
feared reprisals from gangs; several incidents heightened these fears. On
April 15, radio journalist Dumesky Kersaint was shot and killed by armed
individuals in the gang-controlled Carrefour neighborhood of Port-au-Prince.
On April 26, Ricot Jean, a journalist at Radio-Télé Evolution Inter in Saint-
Marc, was killed by armed individuals. On May 7, armed individuals killed
radio presenter Paul D. Jean Marie in Onaville, an area near gang-controlled
Canaan, north of Port-au-Prince.
Internet Freedom
The government did not restrict or disrupt access to the internet or censor
online content.
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b. Freedoms of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The constitution provided for the freedoms of peaceful assembly and
association, and the government generally respected these rights.
Freedom of Peaceful Assembly
Organizers of planned gatherings were required to inform police in advance
of planned gatherings, but police could not prevent them. There were
reports of police using inappropriate force against protesters.
Freedom of Association
Organizations representing the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer,
and intersex (LGBTQI+) community reported difficulties registering their
organizations with the government, although no law restricted their
registration.
c. Freedom of Religion
See the Department of State’s International Religious Freedom Report at
https://www.state.gov/religiousfreedomreport/.
d. Freedom of Movement and the Right to Leave the
Country
The law provided for freedom of internal movement, foreign travel,
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emigration, and repatriation, and the government generally respected these
rights. The government’s capacity to ensure the freedom of internal
movement and repatriations was weakened by gang violence in the capital.
e. Protection of Refugees
Access to Asylum: The law provided for granting refugee status or asylum
through Haitian embassies or consulates abroad, and the government had
established a system for providing protection to refugees. Third-country
nationals could petition for asylum through the local office of the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees.
f. Status and Treatment of Internally Displaced Persons
(IDPs)
Intergang clashes and generalized gang violence caused widespread
displacement throughout the metropolitan area of Port-au-Prince.
According to the International Organization for Migration and the
Directorate General for Civil Protection, there were more than 194,600 IDPs
as of June 30. Nearly 20,000 persons were displaced on August 12-15 alone
because of gang expansion in the Carrefour-Feuilles neighborhood south of
Port-au-Prince. In gang-controlled neighborhoods and areas where gangs
were active, gang members destroyed homes, property, and vehicles; killed
and injured neighborhood residents; and limited economic opportunities.
As a result, residents of these neighborhoods left their homes to shelter
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with family and friends in surrounding areas or in informal reception
centers.
The government had extremely limited capacity to address the needs of
IDPs, especially strained due to the large-scale increases in displacement in
July and August. External partners and donors, in partnership with the
Haitian General Directorate for Civil Protection, provided most of the
humanitarian assistance to survivors and IDPs.
For further information about IDPs in the country, please see the materials
of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Center: https://www.internal-
displacement.org.
g. Stateless Persons
Statelessness and the risk of statelessness was a major problem for
individuals within and outside the country, especially for citizens along the
border with the Dominican Republic. Although the Civil Registry and Office
of National Identification issued 4.4 million new adult identification cards by
February, thousands still lacked documentation, and when undocumented
citizens migrated irregularly to the Dominican Republic, they became
stateless. Many children born in the Dominican Republic to Haitian parents
also became stateless.
Section 3. Freedom to Participate in the Political
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Process
The law provided citizens the ability to choose their government in free and
fair periodic elections held by secret ballot and based on universal and equal
suffrage. A long-running political impasse, complicated by the 2021
assassination of President Moïse, delayed legislative elections, originally
scheduled for 2019 and 2020. Parliament was unable to function since
neither the upper nor the lower house had any elected members. As of
September, it remained unclear when elections would occur. Prime
Minister Henry was negotiating with opposition parties to build a
transitional government that could nominate a credible Provisional Electoral
Council to oversee eventual elections.
Elections and Political Participation
Abuses or Irregularities in Recent Elections: Legislative, municipal, and
presidential elections were last held in 2016-17. While there were isolated
allegations of voter fraud, the elections were generally regarded as credible
by international and domestic observers.
Participation of Women and Members of Marginalized or Vulnerable
Groups: No laws limited the participation of women or members of
marginalized or vulnerable groups in the political process, but social norms
suggesting elected officials should be “tough” and masculine, in addition to
the threat of electoral violence, discouraged women from voting and, to a
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much greater extent, from running for office. Women politicians stated they
faced significant resistance from colleagues and community members and
were often told that as women they were not “strong” enough to “fight” in
the violent nature of the country’s politics.
Section 4. Corruption in Government
The law provided criminal penalties for a wide variety of acts of corruption
by officials. The government did not implement the law effectively. There
were numerous reports of government corruption and a perception of
impunity for abusers.
Corruption: Customs revenues increased significantly following the
September 2022 departure of former Director General of the General
Customs Administration, Romel Bell, after an investigation was opened by
the Anticorruption Unit. Private-sector sources alleged, however, that part
of this increase was due to a lack of oversight on customs fees, which
allowed customs officials to increase fees arbitrarily.
Human rights activists continued to allege corruption fueled gang violence,
since diverted government funds were believed to contribute to financing of
gangs. The NGO Haitian National Human Rights Defense Network stated
corruption in public agencies led to trafficking of arms and drugs.
For additional information about corruption in the country, please see the
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Department of State’s Investment Climate Statement for the country, and
the Department of State’s International Narcotics Control Strategy Report,
which includes information on financial crimes.
Section 5. Governmental Posture Towards
International and Nongovernmental Monitoring and
Investigation of Alleged Abuses of Human Rights
Several domestic and international human rights groups operated without
government restriction to monitor and investigate human rights conditions
or cases and publish their findings. Government officials generally
cooperated with human rights groups, although they disagreed at times on
the scope of certain problems and the most appropriate means of
addressing them.
Retribution against Human Rights Defenders: Human rights groups
believed they were unsafe or targeted by armed groups. Groups reporting
on kidnapping, gang activities, or other human rights concerns were likely to
receive threats from armed groups.
The United Nations or Other International Bodies: Despite UN efforts to
open a local branch of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights, as of September the government had not signed a host-country
agreement.
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Government Human Rights Bodies: The OPC’s mandates were to
investigate allegations of human rights abuse and to work with international
organizations to implement programs to improve human rights. Human
rights groups had generally favorable opinions of the OPC and its work and
did not allege any infringement on its independence; however, they cited a
lack of resources as a major hindrance to its operations.
Section 6. Discrimination and Societal Abuses
Women
Rape and Domestic Violence: The law prohibited rape of women and men,
as well as spousal and domestic or intimate partner rape and other forms of
domestic and sexual violence, including so-called corrective rape of LGBTQI+
persons. The law did not recognize spousal rape as a crime. The penalty for
conviction of rape was a minimum of 10 years of forced labor. In the case of
gang rape, the maximum penalty was forced labor for life. The law was not
enforced.
Sexual violence was rarely prosecuted, and cases were often settled outside
the legal system under pressure from community and religious leaders. In
cases of pregnancy, there was generally a monetary settlement calling on
the rapist to pay for prenatal care and birth costs, and occasionally calling on
the rapist to acknowledge the child as his own. In cases of adultery, the law
excused a husband who killed his wife, her partner, or both if found
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engaging in adultery in the husband’s home, but a wife who killed her
husband under similar circumstances was subject to prosecution.
The law did not classify domestic violence against adults as a distinct crime.
Women’s rights groups, HNP leadership, and human rights organizations
reported domestic violence against women was commonplace.
Survivors of gender-based violence faced major obstacles in seeking legal
justice, as well as in accessing protective services such as women’s shelters.
The Ministry on the Status and Rights of Women reported insufficient
funding to provide adequate support to survivors nationwide. Civil society
organizations reported many survivors did not report cases of violence to
government entities because of social pressure, fear of retaliation, especially
in gang-related cases, a lack of confidence in the judicial system, and a lack
of logistical and financial resources. Survivors preferred to seek support
from NGOs.
According to some civil society organizations, many local nonprofit
organizations that provided shelter, medical services, psychological services,
and legal assistance to victims had to reduce services due to a lack of
funding. There were reports that in rural areas, criminal cases, including
cases of gender-based violence, were frequently settled outside the justice
system. In such cases, local leaders often pressured family members to
come to financial settlements with the accused to avoid social discord and
embarrassment. According to judicial observers, prosecutors often
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encouraged such settlements.
Other Forms of Gender-based Violence and Harassment: The feminist
organization Neges Mawon reported invasive and violent “virginity checks”
persisted. These were typically performed by family members on young
women, sometimes using foreign objects. Neges Mawon also reported
instances of young women being “prepared for intercourse” using foreign
objects.
The law did not specifically prohibit sexual harassment, although the labor
code stated men and women had the same rights and obligations.
Observers indicated sexual harassment occurred frequently. There were no
formal governmental programs to combat it on a national scale.
Discrimination: Women did not enjoy the same social and economic status
as men. The constitution required 30 percent of political candidates,
elected officials, and civil servants be women. The government generally
enforced the constitutional provision effectively.
The law prohibited economic discrimination on the basis of gender,
including for access to employment. The law was not enforced. Women
faced barriers to accessing economic inputs and securing collateral for
credit, information on lending programs, and other resources. Women
faced restricted job opportunities, lower pay, and reduced access to banking
and other support services.
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In the private sector, several industries, including public transportation and
construction, which in the past were male oriented, employed women
workers at the same pay scale as men. Despite these improvements, gender
discrimination remained a major concern. There was no governmental
assessment or report on discrimination in the workplace. Better Work Haiti
(BWH) reported a case of sexual harassment, two cases related to gender
discrimination, and one case related to race and origin discrimination in its
January-June synthesis report. In another factory, BWH assessments
revealed that 19 women workers were terminated from their employment
during pregnancy, maternity leave, and breastfeeding periods.
Reproductive Rights: There were no reports of coerced abortion or
involuntary sterilization on the part of government authorities.
Social and economic barriers, including limited access to clinics and stigma
against contraception use, remained for those seeking or accessing
contraception. Cultural and historical barriers against the use of the
intrauterine device and contraception more generally persisted. Women
living in poverty or in rural areas experienced significant obstacles accessing
comprehensive reproductive health care due to insecurity, high transport
costs, and a general lack of health-care availability in rural areas. Emergency
contraceptives were available, although health providers noted they were
not always distributed equitably between rural and urban areas or among
individuals of varying income levels.
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The government had protocols governing the provision of service to
survivors of gender-based violence. Emergency contraception was part of a
mandatory package of services for the clinical management of rape cases,
according to government protocols. The Ministry on the Status and Rights
of Women, along with local women’s groups and health-care centers, aimed
to provide postexposure prophylaxis, but resource constraints and lack of
access to gang-controlled and rural areas prevented their delivery to many
survivors. Although the Ministry of Health was responsible for maintaining
these protocols and practices, donors and NGO partners provided nearly all
such care.
In many rural areas, sage femmes, or community birth attendants, were the
most common provider of maternal care. Although some received formal
training, most had trained as apprentices to other sage femmes in their
communities and practiced based on traditional methods of maternal care.
In metropolitan areas, some women elected to give birth at home with a
sage femme rather than in a health facility. Observers noted the choice
could have been rooted in a desire for client-centered care, particularly for
respectful maternity care.
A major cause of maternal deaths was the lack of formally trained birth
attendants in rural areas. Other reasons included geographic difficulties in
accessing health facilities and financial barriers to primary health care. Of
the country’s 571 communal sections (local districts), 125 had no health
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facilities. The proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel was
42 percent. The adolescent birth rate for those ages 15 to 19 was 100 per
1,000 girls due to a lack of contraceptive access, sexual violence, and other
causes.
Stigma regarding menstruation persisted, and women’s organizations
reported significant barriers to menstrual hygiene for women and girls in
rural areas, including lack of access to clean water and lack of income to
purchase supplies. Although there were no legal barriers to women’s access
to education or employment when they became pregnant, observers
reported many young women dropped out of school because of early
pregnancies. Girls also reported not attending school when they were
menstruating.
Systemic Racial or Ethnic Violence and Discrimination
The constitution provided for equal protection of all citizens, without
discrimination. The constitution also established the OPC to protect “all
individuals against any form of abuse by the government.” The government
did not enforce the law effectively.
There were high levels of colorism (prejudice or discrimination against
individuals with a dark skin tone) and ethnic discrimination against the
Syrian-Lebanese community, which controlled many aspects of the
economy.
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Children
Birth Registration: Birth registration faced logistical and resource obstacles.
The government did not register all births immediately. Obtaining birth
certificates for children was a problem throughout the country. Children
born in rural communities were less likely to be documented than children
in urban areas. Birth certificates were required when citizens applied for the
national biometrically enabled identification cards required for voting.
Child Abuse: The law prohibited domestic violence against children. The
government lacked an adequate legal framework to support or enforce
mechanisms to fully promote children’s rights and welfare.
The practice of restaveks, or children born into poor families and offered to
wealthier ones as domestic workers in exchange for the child receiving
education, food, and shelter, remained a serious concern. Human rights
representatives emphasized restavek children were highly vulnerable to
psychological, physical, and sexual abuse, and trafficking in forced begging
and commercial sex.
The Ministry of Social Affairs’ Institute for Social Well-Being and Research
observed that children living in gang-affected areas, primarily in Port-au-
Prince, were highly vulnerable to exploitation by gang members. Children
were often recruited as gang lookouts or forced into sexual relationships
with gang members. The government was limited in its resources to go into
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these areas to identify, extract, and provide protection services to children
forced to work for gangs.
Child, Early, and Forced Marriage: The legal age of marriage was 18 for
men and 15 for women. Early and forced marriages were not widespread
customs; however, forced marriages between rape survivors and their
rapists occurred occasionally. Legal marriage was uncommon, and many
couples chose to live together in long-term relationships similar to common-
law marriage. The government did not formally recognize common-law
marriages, although children born to those couples could be recognized as
the legal children of both parents.
Sexual Exploitation of Children: The law prohibited the sale or use of
children for commercial sexual exploitation, including sex trafficking. The
law did not address or prohibit grooming of children for such purposes. The
minimum age for consensual sex was 18, and the law had special provisions
for rape of a person 16 or younger. The maximum penalty for human
trafficking with aggravating circumstances, which included cases involving
the exploitation of children, was life imprisonment. Enforcement, however,
was rare due to impunity and a lack of resources.
Antisemitism
The Jewish community numbered fewer than 100 persons, and there were
no reports of antisemitic incidents.
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Trafficking in Persons
See the Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report at
https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.
Acts of Violence, Criminalization, and Other Abuses Based
on Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity or Expression, or
Sex Characteristics
Criminalization: No laws criminalized consensual same-sex sexual conduct
between adults. There were “public decency” laws that criminalized sexual
activities in public places; some activists and human rights organizations
stated these laws were used disproportionately against LGBTQI+ persons.
Violence and Harassment: There were no reports of violence against
LGBTQI+ individuals by police or other government agencies. Armed gangs
targeted LGBTQI+ individuals based on their sexuality. LGBTQI+
organizations reported many LGBTQI+ individuals, including transgender
individuals, sought to leave the country by both legal and irregular pathways
to avoid targeted violence. There were no official actions taken to
investigate, prosecute, or punish those complicit in violence and abuses by
nonstate actors against LGBTQI+ persons. Violence against LGBTQI+ persons
remained underreported, but there were at least 10 known cases in Port-au-
Prince during the year.
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Kay Trans Haiti, a shelter and social services organization for transgender
youth, reported one transgender person was raped and beaten by members
of the 400 Mawozo gang during a kidnapping on July 30.
Discrimination: The law did not prohibit discrimination by state and
nonstate actors based on sexual orientation, gender identity or expression,
or sex characteristics and did not recognize LGBTQI+ individuals, couples, or
their families. Human rights activists reported LGBTQI+ persons, especially
transgender persons, faced discrimination by employers. Same-sex
marriages were not recognized; the law required marriage to be between a
man and a woman.
There were few laws that infringed upon LGBTQI+ persons’ rights, but many
individuals and groups were openly hostile towards LGBTQI+ persons.
Individual politicians frequently used inflammatory anti-LGBTQI+ language in
radio broadcasts or in other media outlets. Religious leaders also publicly
denounced LGBTQI+ persons as “not Haitian.”
A 2017 study of public opinions on stigma and discrimination towards
vulnerable groups showed 71 percent of the individuals surveyed responded
“hate” was the most appropriate term to express their attitude toward
LGBTQI+ persons, and 90 percent of the adult population rejected the idea
of equal rights for sexual minorities.
Local attitudes, particularly in Port-au-Prince, remained hostile toward
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LGBTQI+ persons who made their sexual orientation or gender identity
public and visible. Some politicians, social leaders, and organizations
actively opposed the social integration of LGBTQI+ persons or any discussion
of their rights. LGBTQI+ advocacy groups in Port-au-Prince reported a
greater sense of insecurity and less trust of government authorities than did
groups in rural areas.
Availability of Legal Gender Recognition: Changing government
identification documents required a modified birth certificate, which could
be obtained with the assistance of a lawyer. The process to modify a birth
certificate, however, was lengthy and expensive, and it required the
applicant to appear in person. One LGBTQI+ activist reported civil servants
often refused to issue modified birth certificates or passports to transgender
persons, and there was little enforcement to verify they did so. Once
applicants had a modified birth certificate, they could change other forms of
identification. Transgender individuals reported they were able to change
their gender and names on identification documents, but several individuals
reported meeting resistance from employees at government agencies when
they attempted to obtain forms of identification. There was no option of
identifying as nonbinary, intersex, or gender nonconforming on government
identification documents. Intersex individuals were assigned identification
markers based on recommendations by medical experts, often through
genetic testing.
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Involuntary or Coercive Medical or Psychological Practices: BINUH
reported armed groups employed “corrective rape,” especially against
LGBTQI+ women. Armed groups often carried out this violent practice in
public spaces. Human rights activists reported religious groups commonly
prayed for the “conversion” of LGBTQI+ persons. There were no reports
that medically unnecessary and irreversible “normalization” surgeries were
performed on children or on nonconsenting adult intersex persons.
Restrictions of Freedom of Expression, Association, or Peaceful Assembly:
There were no laws that prevented activists from speaking out in favor of
LGBTQI+ rights or holding Pride events, but activists stated they often
believed it was unsafe to do so. Activists condemned a “culture of
intolerance” fueled by religious leaders and some politicians, who often
used channels or other media sources to incite violence against LGBTQI+
individuals.
Persons with Disabilities
The constitution stipulated persons with disabilities should have adequate
means to provide for their autonomy, education, and independence. The
law required all public buildings and spaces to be accessible to persons with
disabilities. The law banned discrimination against persons with disabilities
and stipulated they had the right to basic services such as health, education,
and justice. The law prohibited discrimination in employment practices
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against persons with disabilities, required the government to integrate such
persons into the state’s public services, and imposed a quota of 2 percent
for persons with disabilities in the private-sector workforce. The quota was
not met, and the government did not enforce these legal protections,
particularly regarding education, health services, public buildings,
employment, and transportation.
Individuals with disabilities faced significant social stigma, exclusion, and
discrimination due to their disabilities. For instance, families often left their
family members with disabilities isolated at home. Local disability rights
advocates stated persons with disabilities faced significant obstacles to
voting and civic participation. Persons with disabilities had difficulty
obtaining national identification cards required for voting because the
National Identification Office was inaccessible to them.
Establishments including government offices, churches, and schools did not
routinely make services accessible for persons with disabilities.
Opportunities to access services often depended on the economic status of
the family. Persons with mental, developmental, or physical disabilities
were marginalized and neglected. Deaf and blind citizens also faced
marginalization and neglect and did not routinely receive necessary services.
Nationwide, some children with disabilities were mainstreamed into regular
schools, depending on the severity of the disability and the economic status
of the family. A small number of schools provided specialized education for
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children whose disabilities did not allow them to be mainstreamed.
Disability activists reported students with disabilities had less access to
secondary education.
Some disability rights activists noted social services available to persons with
disabilities were inadequate and persons with disabilities had significant
problems accessing quality medical care. Hospitals and clinics in Port-au-
Prince were rarely accessible to persons with disabilities and often refused
to treat them.
Institutionalized Children: The Ministry of Social Affairs’ Institute for Social
Well-Being and Research had official responsibility for monitoring and
accrediting the country’s residential children’s homes and care centers.
According to the international NGO Lumos, an estimated 26,000 children
lived in residential children’s homes and care centers. Children in these
institutions were vulnerable to human trafficking.
Other Societal Violence or Discrimination
Stigma against persons with HIV or AIDS remained strong and widespread
and, in some cases, discouraged persons with HIV from seeking medical
treatment. In a 2020 report published by the UN Program on HIV and AIDS,
63 percent of adults surveyed in the country responded they would not
purchase vegetables from a seller known to be HIV-positive, while 54
percent believed students with HIV should not attend school.
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The prevalence rate of HIV among girls and women ages 15 to 29 was nearly
triple that of their male peers; experts believed this was because of the high
rate of sexual violence against young women.
Results from the donor-supported Community-Led Monitoring initiative
indicated stigma and discrimination remained high at both the community
and facility levels. Persons with HIV faced discrimination from health-care
providers. As a result, some persons dropped out of care or sought medical
treatment outside their community. The monitoring group highlighted a
need for capacity building and stigma reduction at national, departmental,
and facility levels.
Section 7. Worker Rights
a. Freedom of Association and the Right to Collective
Bargaining
The law provided for the right of some workers, excluding public-sector
employees, to form and join unions of their choice and to strike, with
restrictions. The law allowed for collective bargaining, stating employers
had to conclude a collective contract with a union if that union represented
at least two-thirds of the workers and requested a contract. Strikes were
legal if, among other requirements, they were approved by at least one-
third of a company’s workers. The law prohibited firing workers for union
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activities, but it was unclear whether employers could be penalized for each
violation. The law set very low fines for dismissing trade union members
despite the legal prohibition and did not explicitly provide for reinstatement
as a remedy.
The law stated a strike was legal when carried out by a group of workers
representing at least one-third of the staff and no fewer than five persons.
The purpose was to exclusively promote or defend the common economic,
professional, social, or moral interests of workers, and when it occurred
within the formalities of labor code. The law outlined four types of strikes:
a closed strike, or stopping work while remaining at workstation; a warning
strike, or striking without abandoning the institution; a walk out, or walking
out and abandoning the institution; and striking in solidarity with another
strike. To be legal, a silent strike could not exceed 24 hours, a warning or
walkout strike could not exceed one hour, and a solidarity strike was legal
only if the initial strike was legal.
Public-utility service workers and public-sector enterprise workers could not
strike because the law defined public-utility service employees as unable to
suspend their activities without causing serious and immediate harm to
individual health and public safety. A 48-hour notice period was compulsory
for all strikes, and one party in a strike could request compulsory arbitration
to halt the strike.
The labor court, located in Port-au-Prince, was under the supervision of the
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Ministry of Social Affairs and adjudicated private-sector workplace conflicts.
Outside of Port-au-Prince, plaintiffs could use municipal courts for labor
disputes. The law required ministry mediation before cases could be filed
with the labor court.
The government did not effectively enforce the law, and penalties were not
commensurate with those for other laws involving denials of civil rights.
Judicial procedures were subject to lengthy delays and appeals, and many
courts were not functioning due to social conflicts. Penalties were rarely
applied against violators.
Government and private employers did not respect freedom of association
and collective bargaining. Labor monitors cited suspensions, terminations,
and other retaliation by employers against labor union members for their
involvement in strikes or alleged incitement of violence without being able
to substantiate claims of the workers’ involvement. The collective
bargaining agreement between the government, employers, and workers
mandated that all factories register their employees with the Employment
Injury, Sickness and Maternity Insurance Office for maternity and health
insurance. Many employers did not complete this registration, which
prevented workers from receiving government-mandated health benefits
and making employers noncompliant with the collective bargaining
agreement.
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b. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
See the Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report at
https://www.state.gov/trafficking-in-persons-report/.
c. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for
Employment
See the Department of Labor’s Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor at
https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/resources/reports/child-labor/findings.
d. Discrimination (see section 6)
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
Wage and Hour Laws: The law provided for a national minimum wage.
Minimum wages were usually set by the government based on official
macroeconomic indicators on at least an annual basis and generally
remained above the national poverty line. The National Salary Council, a
government, labor union, and private-sector body, was responsible for
recommending a minimum wage every September based on the rate of
inflation. Despite increased inflation and stagnant wages, the council failed
to convene due to difficulties finding representatives to fill the council.
Following numerous strikes demanding the minimum wage be adjusted for
inflation, discussions between the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Office of the
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Labor Ombudsperson, and labor union leaders led to the May
implementation of a government transportation and food stipend program
to support workers.
On June 13, the government issued a decree suspending the 3x8 law, which
organized and regulated work over a 24-hour period divided into three
eight-hour shifts, prohibiting employees from working past eight hours. The
law also provided for one hour of paid lunch, which employers found
difficult to calculate due to day rates for production and health benefit
payments. The publication of the new decree suspended all provisions of
the 3x8 law.
The 26th BWH Biannual Synthesis Report, covering June 2022 to June 2023,
found 71 percent of textile factories paid annual leave incorrectly and 77
percent of factories did not correctly pay maternity leave.
Occupational Safety and Health: The law established minimum
occupational safety and health (OSH) regulations, including rules for onsite
nurses at factories, medical services, and annual medical checks. It provided
for appropriate standards in the main industries. The law allowed workers
to notify the employer of any defect or situation that could endanger worker
health or safety, and to call the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor or police
if the employer failed to correct the situation. The government did not
respond to workers complaints. Observers stated OSH standards needed
reform, including new policies and programs to mitigate persistent and
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emerging OSH risks, reinforce health promotion at work, and develop
compliance programs enforced by the government. Standards were rarely
enforced. In its 26th Biannual Synthesis Report, BWH noted 84 percent of
factories failed to properly label chemical products.
Wage, Hour, and OSH Enforcement: The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor
was responsible for enforcing wage and hour requirements and OSH
regulations, but it did not effectively enforce the law. Penalties were not
commensurate with those for similar crimes, such as fraud, and were rarely
applied. There were no prosecutions of individuals accused of violating the
regulations for minimum wage, hours of work, or safety. The number of
inspectors was sufficient; however, they failed to enforce compliance.
Labor inspectors received little support from law enforcement authorities.
Inspectors did not have the authority to make unannounced inspections or
initiate sanctions. Despite operational difficulties due to lack of resources
such as vehicles or fuel, the ministry was able to conduct inspections across
all sectors; the majority of inspections were in the garment sector due to
facilitation support from BWH.
According to the World Bank, informal workers accounted for 87 percent of
the labor force. The government did not enforce the law in this sector.
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2023
United States Department of State • Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor