Lost Childhoods in Haiti: Quantifying Child Trafficking, Restavèks and Victims of Violence

This report is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the Pan American Development Foundation and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. All information in this report is the property of the Pan American Development Foundation. Parts may be used for academic or media purposes, with the Pan American Development Foundation cited as the source. Pan American Development Foundation 1889 F Street NW, 2nd FloorWashington D.C 20006 (202) 458-3969 www.padf.org  List of tables ................................................................................................................................. 4 List of figures ................................................................................................................................ 5 I. Introduction................................................................................................................................... 8 Objective of Study ........................................................................................................................ 8 Defining Terms ........................................................................................................................... 12 Central Themes .......................................................................................................................... 19 Survey Methodology................................................................................................................... 20 II. Survey Findings and Analysis ................................................................................................... 22 Demographic & Economic Characteristics ................................................................................. 23 Restavèk Servant Children......................................................................................................... 25 Other Forms of Child Vulnerability.............................................................................................. 37 Violence, Aggressors, and Recourse ......................................................................................... 38 Local Associations, Local Governance & Victimization .............................................................. 41 III. Availability and Use of Services ............................................................................................... 44 Survey Findings on Use & Knowledge of Services .................................................................... 45 PHR Inventory of Services ......................................................................................................... 47 Partners and Priorities ................................................................................................................ 49 IV. Program & Policy Implications ................................................................................................. 58 Summary of Key Findings .......................................................................................................... 59 Political Context of Organized Violence ..................................................................................... 62 Public Policy and Haitian Law .................................................................................................... 66 Recommendations...................................................................................................................... 69 Conclusion.................................................................................................................................. 74 Bibliography................................................................................................................................ 75  List of Tables 1. Neighborhood & Household Sample Selected for Study 2. Gender of interviewee by city 3. Percent of women interviewees and heads of households by city 4. Age of interviewees by city 5. Number of people who eat and sleep in the house 6. Distribution of furnishings owned by households 7. Intensity of household economic activity by city 8. Percentage of restavèk servant children by site 9. Percent of restavèk and non-restavèk children by gender 10. Average age of restavèk and non-restavèk children 11. Number of restavèk servant children by household and site 12. Households sending and receiving restavèk children 13. Economic Status of Households Placing their Children as restavèk 14. Economic Status of Households with Restavèk Children 15. Economic Status of Restavèk Households by city 16. Restavèk kin ties to household heads 17. Kin ties to the head of household by child status in the household 18. Child status by survey site 19. Average number of restavèk and non-restavèk chores by site 20. Average number of chores assigned by status of child 21. Average years of schooling of children by household status and site 22. Département of origin of respondents by city surveyed 23. Département of origin restavèk children by city surveyed 24. Origins of survey respondents and restavèk children in Port-au-Prince 25. Origins restavek children in Port-au-Prince by study site 26. Origins of restavèk children in Cap-Haïtien by study site 27. Origins of restavèk children in Gonaïves (N=40) 28. Origins of restavèk children in St-Marc (N=46) 29. Origins of restavèk children in Petit Goâve (N=30) 30. Origins of restavèk and non-restavèk children by site 31. Child vulnerability to street life and transport to Dominican Republic 32. Rates of victimization by household and crime in percent 33. Violations by category of aggressor 34. Citizen contact with public officials 35. Participation in traditional rotating credit associations 36. Members of savings and loan associations 4 37. Households victimized by physical assault by intensity of participation in neighborhood groups 38. Households with restavèk children by intensity of participation in parent-school associations 39. Average % of victim households filing complaints 40. Knowledge of available services by household 41. Types of services used by victims of violence by percent 42. Services offered by 116 institutions inventoried by PHR List of Figures Figure 1. Intensity of household economic activity by city Figure 2. Average age distribution of restavèk and non-restavek children by location Figure 3. Average number of chores by child status Figure 4. Average level of education by status of the child Figure 5. Percent of households with victims of aggression by city Figure 6. Violations by types of aggressor Figure 7. Rate of participation in different types of groups Figure 8. Percent of membership in traditional rotating credit groups and modern credit unions (cooperatives) by city Figure 9. % of households filing complaints by city Figure 10. Institutions where households have filed complaints Figure 11. Knowledge of services available in percent by city Figure 12. Services used by victims 5  EXECUTIVE SUMMARY For a majority of Haiti’s children, life is marked by • The impoverished and violent Port-au-Prince hardship as a result of the country’s miserable economic neighborhood of Cité Soleil had the highest conditions. The life of children called restavèks is worse. percentage — an amazing 44 percent—of Restavèks—extremely poor children who are sent to restavèk children other homes to work as unpaid domestic servants—are • Families living in the southern peninsula prone to beatings, sexual assaults and other abuses communities of Les Cayes, Jacmel, Jérémie by host families. As restavèk teens get older, they are and Léogane are the most important suppliers of commonly tossed to the street to fend for themselves restavèk children to Port-au-Prince and become victims of other types of abuse. • Some children sent to live with families in order Although the plight of restavèk children, as well as to go to school are not classified as restavèks overall saga of child trafficking and violence, is not new, but end up performing similar duties, though there is little reliable information on the prevalence they retain a higher social status of such human rights violations within the general Independent of the restavèk issue, the survey also population. In order to address the problem, the Pan revealed details about the extent of violence in urban American Development Foundation decided that is areas. More than 7 percent of urban households critical to understand the scale of victimization. report incidents of rape, murder, kidnapping or gang With support from the U.S. Agency for International involvement. In terms of incidents of physical assault, Development’s Haiti Mission, PADF conducted the Port-au-Prince households had more than double largest field survey of on human rights violations, the average (nearly 16 percent) than the other cities. with an emphasis on child trafficking, abuse and Overall, respondents attribute the vast majority of rapes, violence. The 1,458 door-to-door surveys in troubled murders and kidnappings to armed authorities and urban neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince, Cap-Haïtien, politically partisan groups, including gangs. A majority Gonaïves, Saint-Marc and Petit-Gôave revealed of victims do not file a complaint with authorities. details about the restavèk situation: Conclusion: Based on this in-depth survey and analysis, PADF makes nine recommendations to deal with the • Children are moving from very-poor homes to tragic situation of restavèks, support for victims of less-poor households—with a vast majority violence and abatement of child trafficking. For example, having kinship ties the vast majority of restavèks are girls, yet more social • In urban areas, PADF estimates that 225,000 services (such as shelters) are available to boys. children are restavèks, with two-thirds of this group comprised of girls About the Project: PADF is in the third year of a USAID- funded project called Protecting Human Rights, the • Port-au-Prince and St. Marc had higher largest program of its type in Haiti. PADF, a non-profit percentages of households with restavèk with nearly 30 years of on-the-ground experience in children, with more than one-third Haiti, focuses on economic development, enhancing reporting servant children in their homes civil society and responding to natural disasters. 6 Introduction  INTRODUCTION Objective of study Restavèk children The primary objective of study was to better quantify The term restavèk child is defined here as an the prevalence of child trafficking, the use of children unpaid child servant living and working away from as unpaid domestic servants and the prevalence of home. The most salient identifying feature is that victims of organized violence and torture within the restavèk children are treated in a manner distinctly general population of urban neighborhoods targeted different from children born to the household. In for study. There has been considerable news principle, parental placement of a restavèk child reporting on organized violence and child trafficking involves turns over childrearing responsibility to in urban Haiti. However, there is little reliable another household in exchange for the child’s information on the prevalence of such violations unpaid domestic service. The traditional expectation within the general population, especially with regard is that the “caretaker” household will cover the to restavèk servant children. Therefore, this report cost of sending the restavèk child to school. focuses primarily on the following question: What is the scale of victimization? Survey methodology Interviewers administered a total of 1,464 The household survey questionnaires, more than half of them in the Port- In December 2007 and January 2008, PADF’s au-Prince metropolitan area. Cluster samples were Protecting Human Rights Project conducted a drawn from troubled urban neighborhoods including quantitative field survey of the prevalence of human five areas of in Port-au-Prince, three in Cap-Haitiën, rights violations in troubled urban neighborhoods of and Gonaïves, Saint-Marc and Petit-Goâve. Port-au-Prince, Cap-Haïtien, Gonaïves, Saint-Marc Port-au-Prince neighborhoods studied included and Petit-Gôave. The PHR survey was based on a Carrefour-Feuilles, Fontamara, Martissant, Solino, random sample of 1,458 households. Bel-Air, Cité Soleil, Delmas, Tabarre, Mon Repos, and Lamentin. 8 SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS The survey identified three distinct categories Restavèk placement and its very high prevalence of children: are deeply marked by poverty, and the movement of children from poor to less poor households. 1. Children labeled as restavèks An important new finding from this survey is that 2. Other outside children living as boarders a significant minority of households with restavèk 3. An intermediate category classified here as children present (11%) had also sent its own children “restavèk-boarders” into restavèk placement. The magnitude of intra-urban movement of Overall, the PHR survey found an astonishingly children within the metropolitan area is significant high percentage of the 3,188 children surveyed new development in the reporting on restavèk living away from their homes of origin. Over 22% placement. Not surprisingly, the majority of urban of children surveyed were living away from home; restavek children were born in rural Haiti; however, 32% of the children were not born to the heads of households in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan household of survey households, including children demonstrate a new variant in published findings born to other household residents. on restavèk recruitment: the largest single recruitment source is other urban households in The survey found that 30% of all survey households the metropolitan area. Therefore, recruitment of had restavèk children present, 16% of all children restavèk children can no longer be viewed solely surveyed were placed as restavèk, and 22% of all as a rural to urban phenomenon. children were treated as restavèk servants, including a remarkably high 44% of all children in Cité Soleil. Geographically, Port-au-Prince and St. Marc had a significantly higher proportion of households How many restavèk children are there? with restavèk children present - well over a third of households surveyed. Cité Soleil at 44% had the National census projections for 2010 show 21% of highest proportion of restavèk children. the urban population of Haiti composed of children between the ages of 5 and 14. Therefore, using PHR The Port-au-Prince metropolitan area houses by survey findings as a basis for extrapolation, children far the densest concentration of restavèk children subject to restavèk treatment in urban areas could the country. The most important municipalities be as many as 225,000 children. supplying restavèk children to Port-au-Prince, aside from the metropolitan area itself, are Les Cayes, Gender is a dominant feature of restavèk recruitment. Jacmel, Jérémie and Léogane. Two-thirds of restavèk children are girls. 9  Kinship ties to host household heads do not A significant factor in the treatment of boarding necessarily shield children from restavèk treatment children is the economic situation of families placing or status. Kinship ties and student board and room their children in such boarding arrangements. arrangements often camouflage treatment that There is evidence from field interviews that boarding is little different from restavèk servant children. students whose families contribute more to the host The vast majority of restavèk children surveyed family, such as food, tend to be treated better. are related to host family household heads. Therefore, family ties serve as a transmission belt In short, restavèk treatment varies along a continuum for child placement. rather than being sharply defined by overt placement as restavèk. The PHR study sheds important new light on the vulnerability of students sent to live with relatives For other forms of victimization, the survey shows who provide board and room during the school year. some 7 percent of survey households marked The survey indicates that the vast majority of such by incidents of rape, murder, kidnapping, or gang boarding students are treated similarly to restavèk involvement. Respondents attribute the vast children but without the restavèk label. majority of rapes, murders and kidnappings to armed authorities and politically partisan groups Although the majority of all boarding students had including gangs. In terms of incidents of physical kinship ties with the host household, some 35% of assault, Port-au-Prince households ranked much “restavèk-boarders” had no kin ties to the head of higher (nearly 16%) than the other cities. household, whereas boarding students not treated as restavèk were all related to the household head. The majority of victims did not register attacks with This suggests that the absence of kinship ties may the authorities. Victims that did report assaults were increase the risk of abuse and child domesticity, far more inclined to register complaints with the although it is also abundantly clear that kin ties are police and courts than other institutions. not a barrier to restavèk treatment. Households in survey target cities away from There is some evidence from field interviews that the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area had higher the proportion of restavèk without kin ties to host rates of children-in-the-street, and higher rates households may be growing, especially in the of children sent to the Dominican Republic or Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. Given evidence deported from there. of heightened risk of mistreatment for unrelated restavèk children, it is important to monitor this trend In terms of associational life, the overwhelming over time. majority of households are active participants in religious activities and institutions. Among secular 10 associations, the highest level of participation is with rotating credit groups and credit unions. High ownership rates for radio, television, and cell phones in these urban neighborhoods suggest growing opportunities for dissemination of media messages via radio and television, and for telephone response to such messages or telephone communications related to victim services. For example, cell phones offer the potential for improved communications within grassroots organizations in urban neighborhoods, including neighborhood watch, conflict monitoring, conflict mediation, and watchdog roles in response to organized violence or child trafficking. Such efforts would require a significant investment in community organization and outreach in urban areas since urban neighborhoods are generally less well organized (fewer and less well developed grassroots organizations) than most rural areas of Haiti. Furthermore, the most densely populated urban neighborhoods tend to have higher proportions of recent immigrants than other neighborhoods. 11  DEFINING TERMS Guiding Concepts of Victimization defined as persons under age 18. Trafficking in persons includes children recruited for domestic The principal target groups for PHR study are service as unpaid child servants, and minors victims of trafficking in persons, organized violence, recruited for the sex trade. torture, and cross border smuggling of migrants. In the present report, these concepts are defined Torture. In 1984, the United Nations, in the with reference to the following US legislation and Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, UN conventions. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, adopted the following definition: Trafficking in persons. The concept of human trafficking is based on the US Trafficking Victims “...the term ‘torture means any act by which severe Protection Act and the UN Convention against pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is Transnational Organized Crime. This legislation intentionally inflicted on a person for such purpose defines severe trafficking in terms of the use of as obtaining from him or a third person information threats, violence and intimidation to obtain labor or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third or services: person has committed, or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third a. sex trafficking in which a commercial sex act person, or for any reason based on discrimination is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted the person induced to perform such an act has not by, or at the instigation of, or with the consent or attained 18 years of age; or acquiescence of, a public official or other person b. the recruitment, harboring, transportation, acting in an official capacity. It does not include provision, or obtaining of a person for labor or pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in, or services, through the use of force, fraud or coercion incidental to lawful sanctions.” for the purpose of subjection to involuntary servitude, peonage, debt bondage, or slavery. As defined here, the concept of torture has a political character comparable to the definition of According to the language of US legislation, threats, organized violence. physical coercion, or abuse of the legal process serve as the basis for defining involuntary servitude. Organized violence. The term organized violence Slavery is defined as “a person over whom any or refers to violence committed by agents of the state all the powers attaching to the right of ownership for political, racial, religious, ethnic, social, sexual are exercised.” Practices similar to slavery include or other reasons. This includes violence by armed “delivery of children for exploitation.” Children are gangs or political groups protected by their ties to 12 public authorities, and groups struggling to attain Chèf katye or chèf baz – neighborhood boss, political power. somewhat veiled reference to a gang leader in formerly gang dominated neighborhoods. Human smuggling. Unlike trafficking in persons, which implies non-consensual exploitation of Children in domesticity, child domesticity or the victim, human smuggling breaks the law but child servitude – synonyms for restavèk children generally does so with the consent of the person used as unpaid domestic servants. Haitian law smuggled. The UN protocol against the smuggling recognized this practice by name - “enfants en of migrants uses the following definition: service” – as used in chapter 9 of the 1961 labor code, an article later annulled (2003). (a) “Smuggling of migrants” shall mean the procurement in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, Chimè – armed political pressure groups supporting a financial or other material benefit, of the illegal Lavalas in certain urban slum districts. entry of a person into a state party of which the person is not a national or a permanent resident. Fè la desant – Staying with others, temporary living (b) “Illegal entry” shall mean crossing borders arrangements, temporary room and board (boarders, without complying with the necessary requirement s boarding students). When children fè la desant, for legal entry into the receiving state. they live with others temporarily for reasons such as a family crisis, or to attend school at a distance. It is generally understood that sending parents will send Glossary of Socio-Cultural Terms food and actively defray costs. Specialized terms used in this report are defined Grassroots Organizations – local level member- as follows: based organizations operating through volunteer efforts, the equivalent of community based Boarders and boarding students – children organizations. housed with another family under temporary board and room arrangements to facilitate, for example, Household – The number of people eating and school attendance away from home, i.e., fè la desant sleeping under the same roof. The household is (temporary lodging) or pansyonè (boarder). the basic unit of analysis of this survey. Responses to survey questions are analyzed from a household Boukong also pasè – cross-border guides, composition perspective. Some urban households recruiters, intermediaries, traffickers, and human in Haiti provide shelter for people who sleep but smugglers. do not eat there; others include members who eat there but do not sleep under one roof. Therefore the 13  present study takes these variants into account by of household. This might include, for example, interpreting the number of people eating/sleeping as children present who are born to other adults living the number of mouths fed and the number of spaces in the households. Such children might be nieces, used for sleeping. nephews, or grandchildren of household heads. Komite katye - neighborhood committees in Restavèk – Unpaid child servant living and working urban slum districts that emerged after the fall of away from home. Closely related terms include Duvalier in 1986 and tended to become political children in domesticity or child servitude. The most pressure groups salient identifying feature of restavèk children is that they are treated in a manner distinctly different from Militan – armed political pressure groups supporting pitit kay, i.e., children born to the household or who the opposition (“Convergence”) during the second belong to the household. In principle, parental Aristide administration (Petit-Goâve). placement of a restavèk child involves turns over childrearing responsibility to another household in NGO Service Providers – non-governmental and exchange for the child’s unpaid domestic service. non-profit organizations that provide services using Restavèk placement is generally viewed as a long a salaried staff rather than relying primarily or solely term arrangement that may last for several years. on volunteers. The traditional expectation is that the “caretaker” household will cover the cost of sending the restavèk Organizasyon popilè (OP) – grassroots child to school. organizations in urban slum districts, including pro-Lavalas pressure groups called chimè with a The Créole term restavèk literally means someone reputation for violent political demonstrations. who lives with another; however, in popular parlance the word is a pejorative reference to servile Pansyonè, or, pansyonè ki fè la desant – a dependence and is categorically demeaning. Less boarder, a child or adult living with others temporarily pejorative synonyms of restavèk include timoun rann in a board and room arrangement. sèvis (children who render service), timoun rete kay moun (children living with others), or simply timoun Pitit kay, or, pitit zantray – literally “children of the (literally “child”) in which the connotation is one of house” or children biologically born to the household, an outside child rather than one’s own child (pitit or i.e., children who “belong” to the household, pitit zantray). especially children of the heads of household. The term may also be used to refer to others accepted Restavèk-boarders – children placed outside the as household members even if not born to heads home under temporary board and room arrangements 14 and treated in a manner akin to restavèk children part to the emphasis on trafficking in persons in the but without the label. In the present study, restavèk- results framework for the project, and the need to boarders are an intermediate category, and retain quantify the prevalence of restavèk servant children a somewhat higher social status in the household in neighborhoods targeted for study. The larger than children consciously placed into restavèk number of restavèk questions in the instrument also service. Nevertheless, restavèk-boarders are stems from the heightened risk of biasing responses outside children treated distinctly different from the if the question of restavèk children is raised too household’s own children (pitit kay). directly. Therefore, the instrument broaches the question indirectly, and does so in different ways. Sang, sabotay, sol – indigenous, self-organized rotating credit groups. The instrument determines who is present in the household prior to asking more focused questions. Street children – children who rely on various The instrument does not mention the term restavèk activities in the street as a survival or livelihood at all. As a proxy, it uses correlates of restavèk strategy in urban areas. There are two major status such as differential school attendance and variants of street children, differences in household work assignments among (1) enfants de la rue (children of the street) without different categories of children within the household. a family and no place to sleep who live in the streets A guiding assumption of study is that the sheer day and night, and (2) enfants dans la rue (children scale or prevalence of restavèk servant children is in the street), children who spend days and perhaps much higher than other victim categories queried. evenings in the streets but maintain active family Therefore, the scale of victimization justifies ties and have a place to sleep at night. heightened attention to detecting the presence of restavèk children. Ti paran – distant relative. The survey questionnaire lists restavèk chores, and queries heads of households regarding work Guiding Concepts and the Survey assignments for their own children compared to Instrument other children living in the home. Detecting restavèk children. The PHR survey is In general, leading indicators of restavèk treatment designed to elicit the prevalence of several categories include work expectations equivalent to adult of victimization in respondent households; however, servants and long hours that surpass the cultural the instrument devotes more attention to restavèk norm for children’s work at home, inferior food and servant children than other victims. This is due in clothing compared to other children in the home, 15  sleeping on the floor rather than in a bed, no time study of street children based on direct contact with out for play, and a common expectation that the street children and programs providing services to restavèk child must use formal terms of address street children; however, the household survey can when speaking to social superiors including virtually help to estimate the incidence of “children-in-the- all other household members. This expectation street” within general population, one element of a applies to restavèk relations to other children in the triangulated approach to gaining better information household, even children younger than the restavèk on street children. child, e.g., Msye Jak (“Mister Jacques” rather than simply Jacques). Children and gangs. Questions eliciting adult or child involvement with gangs refer primarily Education is also an important indicator in detecting to an earlier time frame when gangs dominated child domesticity. Children in domesticity may or neighborhoods such as Cité Soleil. Gangs no longer may not attend school, but when they do attend, dominate Cité Soleil; however, this researcher it is generally an inferior school compared to other identified former gang-recruited children in Cité children. Restavek children are also more likely Soleil in August 2008. The PHR household study to be overage for their grade level, and their rates identified a total of 29 individuals formerly linked to of non-enrollment are higher than non-restavèk gangs, only one of which was a child. children in the home. Cross-border trafficking and smuggling. The Child status analyzed in this study includes all survey included questions devised to elicit the children age 5 through 17. The questionnaire uses incidence of household children sent to or deported two approaches to counting children age 5 through from the Dominican Republic. These questions 17. First, respondents are asked to identify the serve as a proxy for rating the relative risk of cross- number of children under age 18 that are present. border trafficking and smuggling of children among Secondly, they are asked to determine how many cities surveyed. The responses to these questions of these children are under the age of 5 years (see show notable differences by city. questionnaire page 1, q1d and q1e). Violence. The instrument asked household heads Street children in survey households. The if any members of their households were victimized instrument includes questions to elicit the presence by murder, rape, kidnapping, or other physical of “children in the street” in survey households, attacks during a particular time frame – specifically that is, children who sleep at home but spend their the period since the end of the Interim Government days working the streets. To update information on (May 2006) up to January 2008. This coincides street children, it is essential to carry out a dedicated with the initial 19 months of the Preval government. 16 The survey disaggregates victims of violence by dedicated study using qualitative methodologies, age and gender, and asks respondents to identify collaboration with institutions in contact with different categories of aggressor, including violence prostitutes including health and police services, by public authorities. and direct contact with minors, patrons, and businesses linked to the sex trade. Knowledge of support services in the general population. The survey instrument includes sections Socio-Economic Status. The survey estimates on respondent knowledge and use of psychological, the economic status of households based on medical, policing and legal services. This type of such indicators as household furnishings, house feedback from the general population is useful for characteristics, home ownership or rental, and determining the coverage of service networks. employment (see Annex III). Questions seeking to quantify household income were dropped after Involvement with civil society organizations pretesting due to a high rate of non-response.The and public authorities. The questionnaire elicits survey identified three distinct categories of children: respondent levels of participation or membership in civil society organizations, and respondent 1. Children labeled as restavèks interactions with government authorities. The 2. Other outside children living as boarders assumption is that participation in organizations, including virtually any type of organized group, has 3. An intermediate category classified here as an impact on the relative vulnerability of households “restavèk-boarders” including the benefit of strength in numbers, recourse in the face of victimization, access to hidden victims, Overall, the PHR survey found an astonishingly and identifying institutional networks or channels high percentage of the 3,188 children surveyed of communication regarding services available to living away from their homes of origin. Over 22% victims and other human rights messages. of children surveyed were living away from home; 32% of the children were not born to the heads of Child prostitution. Questions pertaining to household of survey households, including children household prevalence of children in prostitution born to other household residents. were pretested in the initial survey instrument. These questions were removed when statistical The survey found that 30% of all survey households analysis indicated that questions pertaining to had restavèk children present, 16% of all children prostitution tended to bias responses to other surveyed were placed as restavèk, and 22% of all questions in the instrument. Clearly, the dynamics children were treated as restavèk servants, including of child prostitution are a high priority but require a a remarkably high 44% of all children in Cité Soleil. 17  How many restavèk children are there? Geographically, Port-au-Prince and St. Marc had a significantly higher proportion of households National census projections for 2010 show 21% of with restavèk children present - well over a third of the urban population of Haiti composed of children households surveyed. Cité Soleil at 44% had the between the ages of 5 and 14. Therefore, using PHR highest proportion of restavèk children. survey findings as a basis for extrapolation, children subject to restavèk treatment in urban areas could The Port-au-Prince metropolitan area houses by far be as many as 225,000 children. the densest concentration of restavèk children the country. The most important municipalities supplying Gender is a dominant feature of restavèk recruitment. restavèk children to Port-au-Prince, aside service as Two-thirds of restavèk children are girls. unpaid child servants, and minors recruited for the sex trade. Restavèk placement and its very high prevalence are deeply marked by poverty, and the movement of children from poor to less poor households. An important new finding from this survey is that a significant minority of households with restavèk children present (11%) had also sent its own children into restavèk placement. The magnitude of intra-urban movement of children within the metropolitan area is significant new development in the reporting on restavèk placement. Not surprisingly, the majority of urban restavek children were born in rural Haiti; however, households in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan demonstrate a new variant in published findings on restavèk recruitment: the largest single recruitment source is other urban households in the metropolitan area. Therefore, recruitment of restavèk children can no longer be viewed solely as a rural to urban phenomenon. 18 CENTRAL THEMES A very large number of Haitian children live away some evidence of a growing number of restavèk from their homes of origin. In terms of the sheer children without kinship ties to household heads. scale of victimization, restavèk treatment affects far more children than other forms of victimization Many households also have children present who studied. The vast scale of restavèk victimization are school boarders, and the vast majority of such also has significant social consequences for the next boarding students is treated in a manner similar to generation, including a growing number of young restavèk children but without the restavèk label. adults traumatized by a history of restavèk abuse and by the absence of affection during childhood. In actual practice, restavèk treatment varies along a continuum rather than being sharply defined by There is an important gender component to restavèk restavèk status. placement. The vast majority of children subject to restavèk treatment are girls. Kinship ties to host household heads do not shield children from restavèk treatment or status. Kinship The movement of restavèk children is from poor to ties and student board and room arrangements somewhat less poor households. often camouflage treatment that is little different from restavèk servant children. Nevertheless, there is Port-au-Prince houses by far the densest also evidence that restavèk children without kinship concentration of restavèk children in the country. ties are subject to a heightened risk of abuse. The majority of urban restavek children were born Survey respondents attribute the vast majority of in rural Haiti; however, the largest single recruitment rapes, murders and kidnappings – during the study source is other urban households in the metropolitan period – to armed authorities and politically partisan area. Therefore, recruitment of restavèk children cannot groups including gangs. simply be viewed as a rural to urban phenomenon. In comparison to households in the metropolitan All regions of the country supply restavèk children to area, households in other survey cities away from the metropolitan area; however, the most important Port-au-Prince had higher rates of children-in- supply region outside of the metropolitan area is the the-street, and higher rates of children sent to the southern peninsula. Dominican Republic or deported from there. A significant minority of urban households with The majority of victims did not register attacks restavèk children present also send children of their with the authorities; however, victims are far more own into restavèk placement. inclined to register complaints with the police and courts than other institutions. The vast majority of restavèk children have kinship ties to host family household heads. There is also 19  SURVEY METHODOLOGY Drawing the sample. Cluster samples were drawn Items added included questions on lodging, the from neighborhoods selected for study including five number of rooms, and household items used to areas of in Port-au-Prince, three in Cap-Haitiën, and establish the economic status of people interviewed. Gonaïves, Saint-Marc and Petit-Goâve (see Table These changes significantly increased the response 2 below). The cluster sites were drawn from aerial rate. Interviewers administered a total of 1,464 photographs given the unavailability of accurate questionnaires, more than half of them in the Port- lists of households or street addresses to establish au-Prince metropolitan area. sampling frames. Sampling was based on three steps: A team of four supervisors supervised groups of 4 to 6 interviewers. Supervisors coded the 1. A map of each targeted neighborhood was questions daily. The field survey was implemented made using aerial photographs. in two stages: Port-au-Prince area in December 2008, and other cities between December 2007 2. Within each neighborhood, points and January 2008. Following the initial two days of corresponding to the number of cluster data collection in Port-au-Prince, researchers halted samples needed were laid out in quincunx the field survey for a week to assess data quality. (i.e., three neighboring points forming This resulted in modification of certain questions equilateral triangles) thus covering the entire to avoid biasing results, especially questions neighborhood selected for study. related to kinship ties and child domesticity service. 3. Around each point, an equal number of Supervisors verified and coded questionnaires in households were chosen for the study. the field. Electronic data entry included double entry by two different data entry staff as a cross-check on the quality of data entered. Data collection. Interviewers gathered information using a structured questionnaire based primarily on closed and precoded questions (see Annexes I and II). Most of the interviewers had administered similar instruments in earlier surveys in many of the same neighborhoods. Interviewers were given three days of training followed by a pre-test of 42 questionnaires. After the pre-test, certain modifications were made to the questionnaire. Questions on revenue and child prostitution were eliminated due to low response and respondent sensitivity to these questions. 20 21 Survey Findings and Analysis DEMOGRAPHIC & ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS The survey population is located in low income urban neighborhoods. The study elicited household demographics including gender, age, household size and composition, level of education and economic indicators. The respondents interviewed were heads of household, or in their absence, another adult resident of the household. Gender of respondents and heads of household. The survey sample included 1,458 households. In terms of the gender of interviewees, there are no Age of respondents. As shown in Table 4, the significant differences among cities and neighboroods majority of interviewees are between the ages of surveyed. The vast majority of respondents were 26 and 55 (79%) with percentages declining with women (73%). See Table 2. age. The average age by site varies from 36 to 39 and there is no significant statistical difference between sites. As shown in Table 3 below, survey households in all cities are overwhelmingly female headed households (76%), and the five neighborhoods surveyed in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area have by far the highest rate of female headed households (79%). The lowest rate is Gonaïves (65%) which still has Household size. If we define the household as the nearly two-thirds of households headed by women. number of people who eat and sleep in one dwelling, In general, urban areas of Haiti have far higher rates average household size in the PHR survey is 6.2 of female headed households than rural areas; people (see Table 5). There are also variations however, the low income “hotspot” neighborhoods by site studied, ranging from 5.9 in Petit-Goâve to selected for the PHR survey show even higher rates a high of 6.9 people per household in Gonaïves. of female headed households than other published For the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area, the PHR data for the overall metropolitan area.19 19 The EMMUS survey found 39% female heads of household in rural areas nation- ally, and 53% in the Port-au-Prince area. See IHE, 2007, EMMUS-IV, Haiti, 2005- 2006, Table 2.3, Composition des ménages (p. 11). 23  survey shows 6.2 people per household, much The vast majority of households surveyed lack toilets, higher than the EMMUS figure of 4.9 per household running water or wells, although 87% have cellular (ibid., 11). The significantly higher figure shown for phones and 72% televisions. The ownership rate for PHR households may reflect the high density of low cell phones and televisions was much higher than income neighborhoods selected for PHR study. that found in an earlier national survey of all urban areas. The higher rate of cell phone in the PHR survey undoubtedly reflects the rapid expansion of cell phones among the poor since 2005 due to intensive marketing efforts by cell phone companies. Socio-economic characteristics. Table 6 shows household belongings as indicators of economic level. Only 26% of households have access to running water or well water, 20% a flush toilet, 30% a refrigerator, and 11% land line phones. Only 12% of households surveyed owned vehicles, though this degree of vehicle ownership indicates a certain range and variation in economic levels within these vulnerable neighborhoods. There are significant differences by site. Access to vehicles is significantly higher in Port-au-Prince, Gonaives and Saint-Marc than other study sites, and flush toilets are more common in Port-au-Prince and Petit-Goâve than other sites. 24  RESTAVÈK SERVANT CHILDREN Table 7 and Figure 1 show percentage of people Child servants. The household survey distinguishes actively engaged in making a living. This includes children used as household servants from other salaried employment but is far more often petty children based on indicators of differential treatment, commerce, daily wage labor or other activities particularly school enrollment and the amount of commonly identified with the informal economic work assigned. Data analysis suggests that the use sector. There is some variation by site in that of children as domestic servants takes a variety Cap-Haïtien has a significantly higher rate of of forms; kinship ties and boarding arrangements unemployment (54%), followed by Port-au-Prince may serve to camouflage restavèk treatment that (50%) and Petit-Gôave (48%). Less than one extends beyond the children labeled as restavèk third of respondents report steady income from children. For example, a large number of children economic endeavors. are boarders who come from a distance to go to school while living with a family (yo fè la desant), often in the homes of relatives. These children are not classified nor labeled as restavèk children, but in some cases they perform the full range of household chores associated with restavèk servant children. Schooling for boarding children is paid by their parents, and their living arrangements are temporary, based on the school year. The actual treatment of boarding children depends in part on the extent of parental contribution to their upkeep, including money, food or supplies sent on a regular or occasional basis. When parents do not contribute enough, host households may impose greater work expectations on the children. Some of these children are treated little different from restavèk servant children, though they generally retain a higher social status. They may for example sit at the table for meals, unlike restavèk children. Thus, survey findings point to an intermediary category of “restavèk-boarders” midway between servant children and regular boarders, and distinctly different from the household’s own children (pitit kay). 25  Restavèk Servant Children by Gender and Site. lower overall percentage of restavèk/restavèk- Household composition studies in Haiti show a boarders compared to Port-au-Prince although St. remarkably high rate of children living away from Marc (18%) and Petit-Goâve (20%) have higher their homes of origin. In the PHR household study, rates than other cities, and Gonaïves only 11% of nearly a third (32%) of all children surveyed were not children surveyed. born to the household heads. Table 8 below shows the percentage of restavèk children in relation to all Table 9 demonstrates that the vast majority of children surveyed. Children classified as restavèk restavèk servant children are girls. Nearly two thirds account for 16% of all children. When lumped of restavèk children (65%) are girls compared to together with “restavèk-boarders,” children treated 53% of non-restavèk children surveyed. Reliance on as restavèk accounted for 22% of all 3,188 children girls as servant children reflects the sexual division surveyed in 1,450 households in five Haitian cities. of labor in Haiti whereby most household chores are performed by girls. Servant children by age and location. The survey is based on children age 5 through 17 for a total of 3,188 children surveyed. The average age of restavèk children in the study is 12.3 years versus 11.6 years for other children surveyed (see Table 10). In the five neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince, 28% of the children surveyed are restavèk or restavèk- boarders, with Cité Soleil by far the highest at 44%. Sites outside Port-au-Prince have a much 26  servant children present; however, the Carrefour Feuilles/Fontamara/Martissant survey site has by far the highest proportion of households with restavèk children (46%), and Cap-Haïtien the lowest (21%). Other sites with a high proportion of households with restavèk servant children include Solino/Belair (35%) and Delmas/Tabarre (37%). Some survey households have more than one restavèk child servant, although this is a relatively Figure 2 illustrates that in the larger cities (Port-au- small minority of households (see Table 11). For Prince and Cap-Haïtien) there is little difference in example, 38% of households in Carrefour Feuilles/ the average age of restavèk versus other children. Fontamara/Martissant have a restavèk servant child; On the other hand, in Gonaïves, Saint Marc and however, another 9% of households at this site have Petit-Gôave, age differences are more noticeable. at least two restavèk children, and 9% of Delmas/ Tabarre households also have at least two restavèk Servant children by household and location. servant children present. Overall, 30% of survey households have restavèk 27  RESTAVÈK CHILDREN & HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STATUS Economic status of sending and receiving In other words, the fact of having a restavèk child households. To what extent does restavèk sending does not mean a household will not place its own and receiving cut across different economic levels children as restavèk servant children. The data also in low income urban neighborhoods studied? reveal that 70% of the children sent into restavèk The basic assumption of restavèk placement is placement from these households were sent to other that wealthier households are less likely to send urban households. away their own children, and more likely to recruit restavèk children for their own use. To test this Secondly, Table 13 shows the relative economic assumption, the study assesses the economic status of households that have sent their own status of households to test correlations between children into restavèk placement. These households varying economic levels and the propensity to send show relatively little difference by economic status: out or receive restavèk children. 11% of more affluent households have sent away children compared to 15% and 13% of low and The findings in Tables 12-14 suggest that the use middle level households. Therefore, the practice of servant children is a more generalized practice is cross-cutting in relation to the relative economic than expected. First of all, a certain percentage of status of households studied. households with restavèk children have also placed their own children in domestic service, and on a scale roughly comparable to households without restavèk children (11% versus 14%), and this was true for all study sites (see Table 12). 28 Table 14 shows a neat correlation between the Table 15 shows the same overall tendency for percent of households with restavèk children and their all cities although Gonaïves has a 6% difference relative economic status. Higher income households in the opposite direction for the relatively more show a higher restavèk rate (36%) compared to 24% affluent households, but this is statistically not very for the lower tier, and 31% for mid-range households. significant. In Saint-Marc, the link between restavèk The differences are especially significant between presence and more affluent economic status is even the upper and lower economic tiers. This finding higher; only 23% of low income households have a supports the longstanding hypothesis that the flow restavèk versus 61% for high income households. A of restavèk children is from the less affluent to more similar pattern holds for Petit-Goâve. affluent households, and from poor households to the less poor. 29  SERVANT CHILDREN AND KINSHIP TIES What role does kinship play in restavèk placement? Kinship analysis tends to support this observation. The absence of close kin ties is decidedly not an Survey data show evidence of a chain of family identifying feature of restavèk placement, as some ties and obligations whereby restavek children have presumed. On the contrary, the data show are supplied by lower income households to that kinship is a prime recruiting ground for restavèk higher income households. Therefore, family ties children. Furthermore, child boarding arrangements serve as the transmission belt for child placement. based on kinship ties are socially more acceptable Furthermore, there is evidence of kin-based than restavek placement; however, the data show social pressure for more affluent family members, that kinship ties may camouflage restavèk treatment including households that are only a little less poor when children are sent to live others during the than sending households, to accept children, and school year. criticism if they decline to do so, since placement is perceived by sending households as an opportunity Table 16 shows kin ties between restavèk children for schooling and upward mobility – in exchange and heads of households. The table also shows a for unpaid child labor. These pressures may come substantial minority (22%) of restavèk children with from more distant relatives (ti paran) as well as no kin ties to the head of household. On the other close relatives. hand, two-thirds of restavek children in the survey are related to household heads, predominantly This pressure for social promotion does not apply as nieces or nephews; however, these children only to restavèk placement. It also applies to child are treated as domestic servants. In short, child boarding arrangements to facilitate access to domesticity cannot be understood without taking education and learn a trade away from home. Under into account its frequent link to family ties. these arrangements, the status and treatment of child boarders depends heavily on the economic status and financial resources of the sending parents. Boarding children are generally expected to perform chores consistent with the level of support or non-support from their own parents. Therefore, a boarding child accompanied by material support may perform few or no household chores, whereas boarding children without family support may pay their way through unpaid child labor. Earlier discussion pointed to a recent trend toward Discerning the overlap between kinship and social more generalized patterns of restavek placement. status of outside children in the household helps 30 to clarify what actually happens under the cover children as well as restavèk-boarders. Therefore, of family ties. It is important then to examine the the data suggest that restavèk treatment is more living conditions and work expectations of boarding fluid than generally reported, and not defined simply children (pansyonè ki fè la desant) including chores by public defined restavèk status. and schooling, in comparison to children born to the household (pitit kay), as well as children directly See Table 18 for restavèk and boarding status of identified as restavèk servant children. Data analysis children by survey site. The percentage of restavèk resulted in three distinct categories including (i) children (40%) in Cité Soleil is far higher than all other children labeled as restavèk children, (ii) boarding areas surveyed, attaining a phenomenal 44% when children, and (iii) an intermediate category that may taken together with restavèk-boarders. In general, be called “restavèk-boarders.” the rate of boarding children is higher in Port-au- Prince than other cities surveyed, especially in In effect, the status of restavèk and boarder are not Carrefour Feuilles/Fontamara/Martissant. The Port- mutually exclusive in the various sites surveyed. au-Prince metropolitan area also has higher rates of The survey instrument elicits information on children restavèk placement than other cities surveyed. in the household deemed to be boarders, and then School and Work as Restavèk Indicators asks what is expected of them in terms of children’s work. Table 17 demonstrates that the vast majority The survey instrument relies primarily on the analysis of restavèk children (83%) and nearly two-thirds of differences in work assignments and schooling of restavèk-boarders are related to household as indicators of restavèk status. Table 19 compares heads; however, 18% of restavèk children and children’s work by restavèk and non-restavèk status 35% of “restavèk-boarders” do not have kin ties to (pitit kay) in the home. The instrument includes a household heads. listing of chores such as carrying water, going to market, doing dishes and laundry, and cleaning house. Table 19 shows a statistically significant distinction in the assignment of chores. In general, all children are expected to do household chores; however, according to the survey, which may tend to underreport the intensity of work assignments, restavèk children are expected to do nearly twice as much work as children born to In sum, the table illustrates the role of kinship as a the household (pitit kay). Figure 3 graphs these transmission belt for child labor, including restavèk differences dramatically by site. Furthermore, Table 31  20 indicates that work expectations of restavèk- child boarders will be treated as restavèk children. boarders are similar to restavèk children. In short, It can be inferred that restavèk treatment of child the assumption that restavèk-boarders work less boarders also reflects the relative poverty of families intensively than regular restavek children does not that board their children with other households that hold. Age is also not a factor since the two groups of are less poor. children average the same age (13). Furthermore, there is little difference in education level between Schooling as indicator of child status. Another the two groups. indicator of restavek status is the level of schooling in relation to age, and the quality of schooling. This suggests that the primary factor affecting The data in Table 21 support the hypothesis that treatment of boarding children is the economic restavèk children on average have a lower level contribution of the children’s families to host of education than other children in the household. households, and not their privileged status as Figure 4 demonstrates the difference graphically boarders compared to restavèk children. In short, by site. the less their families contribute, the more likely 32 33  ORIGINS OF RESTAVÈK CHILDREN Departmental origin of survey respondents. Cap- Haïtien are from the Nord; 83% in St. Marc As shown in Table 22, most of the respondents and Gonaïves are from the Artibonite, and 88% in interviewed are from the same department as the Petit Gôave are from the Ouest. survey sites chosen for study. For example, 92% of respondents in Cap-Haïtien are from the northern department, 90% of those in Gonaïves from the Artibonite, 88% of those in St. Marc from the Artibonite, and 93% of those in Petit-Goâve from the Ouest. In stark contrast, only 37% of respondents in Port-au- Prince are from the Ouest department. In addition to the Ouest, respondents in Port-au-Prince come from all other departments, but especially the South (19%), Sud-Est (10%), and Grande Anse (10%). Port-au-Prince is a special case. In view of the concentration and high demand for restavèk children in Port-au-Prince, there are important programmatic reasons to identify the most important supply centers for restavèk children to the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. The most important département of origin is the Ouest (32%); however, another 42% originate overall in the Sud (21%), Sud-Est (11%), and Grande-Anse (10%). Table 24 compares the origins of survey respondents and restavèk children. Both tend to originate from Origins of restavèk children. The inter- the same departments. There are no statistically departmental flow of restavèk is predominantly significant differences between the two groups except towards Port-au-Prince, as shown in Table 23. In for Port-au-Prince where 37% of respondents but the other cities surveyed, most restavèk children only 32% of restavèk children originate in the Ouest. live in their département of origin. For example, only In short, most restavèk children are recruited in the 32% of restavèk children in Port-au-Prince are from departments of origin of household heads, often via the Ouest; however, 82% of restavèk children in kinship and other ties to home town communities. 34  Prince are Les Cayes (9%), Jacmel (8%), Jérémie (5%) and Léogane (4%). Table 26 shows a total of 72% of Cap-Haïtien area Origins of restavèk children by survey site. Table restavèk children from other communes of the 25 shows departmental origins of restavèk children northern department, and the rate of supply from for survey sites in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan these other communes is highest in Bassin Rodo area. As noted earlier, the Sud, Sud-Est, and (80%). Again, there is also heavy reliance in Cap- Grande-Anse, but especially the Sud, are the Haïtien on supplies of restavèk children from within primary supply zones for Port-au-Prince restavèk the commune, especially for restavek children children; however, communes of the southern in Centre-ville (35%) and Petite-Anse (25%). A department supply Carrefour Feuilles/Fontamara/ similar pattern holds in Gonaïves (23%) and St. Martissant at a much higher rate (86%) than any Marc (33%), and overwhelmingly so in Petit-Goâve other metropolitan site surveyed. Secondly, and (83%), which is a large commune with 10 communal somewhat unexpectedly, other communes within sections. Nevertheless, both Gonaïves and St. Marc the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area are the next rely primarily on other communes within the same most important supply zone for restavèk children département as supply zones for restavèk children. in Port-au-Prince. For Cité Soleil and Lamentin, neighboring communes supply restavek children at a significantly higher rate than other study sites. The magnitude of intra-urban movement of children within the metropolitan area is an important new development in the reporting on restavèk placement. Aside from Port-au-Prince itself, the most important communes of origin for restavèk children in Port-au- 35  Origins of restavèk versus other children in the striking. For example, in Carrefour Feuilles, only home. In study sites away from Port-au-Prince, both 22% of restavèk come from the Ouest whereas 76% restavèk and non-restavèk children tend overall to of pitit kay was born there. The same pattern holds in come from the same geographic department (see other Port-au-Prince survey sites, including Bel Air, Table 30), although restavek children in Gonaïves Cité Soleil, Delmas, and Mon Repos (31% restavek (86% restavek vs. 95% pitit kay) and St. Marc (82% versus 80% pitit kay, 49 versus 85%, 27 versus vs. 92%) are slightly more likely to come from other 77%, 47 versus 84%). In short, as noted earlier, the areas. In the Port-au-Prince area, the difference majority of restavèk children have immigrated to between the two categories of children is far more Port-au-Prince. 36 OTHER FORMS OF CHILD VULNERABILITY Table 31 summarizes rates of child vulnerability au-Prince, and that other towns and cities in Haiti to two other categories of victimization, including have seen a significant expansion of street children children who spend their days in the street but have in recent years. The figures shown in Table 31 a place to sleep, and children sent to the Dominican capture the prevalence of “children in the street” Republic or deported. who sleep in survey households. These figures do not of course include other “children of the street,” that is, street children who have no place to sleep at night. The rate of street children appears to be lower in Port-au-Prince than elsewhere, due perhaps to its higher rate of schooling than other areas of Haiti. Children crossing the Border The survey instrument uses cross-border travel as a proxy for the risk of trafficking and smuggling. The vast majority of cross border migrants, both children and adults, cross the border illegally and there is demand in the Dominican Republic for child laborers for a variety of purposes. According to survey data, the number of children Children in the Street sent to the Dominican Republic is far higher in other cities than Port-au-Prince, especially at Petite-Anse The rate of street children in survey households (4.4%) in Cap-Haïtien and Petit-Goâve (3.4%), is highest in St. Marc (6.3%), and also Gonaïves whereas Port-au-Prince shows an overall rate of only (2.9%) and Cap-Haïtien (1.8%), and much lower in 1.1% per thousand. The rate of children deported the Port-au-Prince area (0.7%) compared to other from the Dominican Republic is also higher in other cities studied. Within the Port-au-Prince area, the cities compared to Port-au-Prince. rate is by far the highest in Cité Soleil (1.8), also Solino/Bel-Air (1.0). Qualitative interviews and other reports on migration suggest that cross border migration is closely tied These figures support the findings of recent to unskilled agricultural and construction work qualitative interviews indicating that growth in in the Dominican Republic and that recruitment numbers of street children is not confined to Port- targets rural areas more than urban centers. There 37  VIOLENCE, AGGRESSORS, AND RECOURSE is evidence from qualitative interviews that Haitian Time frame. To measure the prevalence of violence children are recruited for organized begging or street in hotspot urban neighborhoods, the survey elicited work such as shining shoes in Dominican cities. information specific to the period marked by the end This recruitment is generally by Haitians for Haitian of the Interim Government (May 2006) through the households in Dominican cities. first 19 months of the Préval government (December 2007). This facilitated respondent recall by situating Young women including underage adolescents are acts of violence in relation to a clearly defined also recruited for the sex trade. This includes young benchmark: Since the departure of Latortue, how women recruited by Haitian boukong (recruiters, many times have you or any other members of your traffickers in people) for Dominican establishments, household been physically attacked? and young women and minors engaged in street commerce in sex in Dominican cities. There is also Organized violence. To get at the issue of organized a serious problem of abandoned children, Haitian violence, the survey instrument elicited incidents of runaway children who cross the border, and children murder, rape, and kidnapping, and the sources of separated from parents or other caretaker adults in these acts of violence including the Haitian National the process of human smuggling across the border. Police, soldiers of the UN peacekeeping mission Border services are inadequate to meet the need of (MINUSTAH), other government authorities, and such children. Lavalas supporters or the opposition to Lavalas. Recourse. The instrument also elicited the incidence of victim recourse to institutions such as the police, courts, and human rights and women’s organizations. Survey results are reported below for physical assault, types of violence and aggressors, and actions taken to report crimes or seek services. Context. Respondent replies to questions reflect a period of socio-political transition marked by the turbulent months preceding and following the departure of Aristide on February 29, 2004, the period of Interim Government 2004-2006, and the elections of 2006 followed by peaceful transition to power in May 2006. The entire year 2006 was characterized by an unprecedented wave of kidnappings identified 38 with politically partisan gangs in Cité Soleil and other is the most frequent of these violations affecting hotspot urban neighborhoods. The year 2007 saw over 3% of households. a concerted effort by MINUSTAH and the Haitian National Police to disperse the gangs and restore order. The period since then has seen a significant decrease in kidnappings and gangs. Respondent reporting of violent incidents appears to reflect, primarily, the higher levels of violence during 2006 and the first six months of 2007. Physical assault. Figure 5 below reports percent of survey households victimized by physical assault in the five cities surveyed. Not unexpectedly, Port-au- Aggressors. Table 33 summarizes the household Prince with 16% of households (rounded off) ranks prevalence of violations by category of aggressor significantly higher than other cities, compared to specifically for rape, murder and kidnapping. 10% of households in Petit Goâve, Cap-Haïtien 9%, Figure 6 represents these attributions visually. Gonaives 8%, and Saint Marc 4%. These findings speak directly to the issue of organized violence. Forms of violence. Table 32 shows rates of household victimization reported for specific forms of violence including rape, murder and kidnapping. The overall rate of victimization is about 7% of households surveyed, and murder 39  Some of the attribution of violent acts to the Haitian National Police and MINUSTAH, particularly murder, could be attributable in part to armed exchanges with gangs. According to street interviews with Cité Soleil residents in October 2007, violent exchanges between gangs and the police resulted in the killing of innocent bystanders as well as gang members. Nevertheless, young men interviewed in Cité Soleil expressed a strong The figures reported for individual categories desire for the return of a strong and consistent of violation are too low for a statistically valid presence of national police in Cité Soleil. analysis; however, they are suggestive of possible trends. Furthermore, the numbers are statistically There is an issue of how to validate respondent significant when considered as a whole for all three statements. How did informants identify the types types of crime. of aggressor? These concerns should be taken into account in qualitative follow-up of victims afflicted Organized violence. When violations and the by these forms of violence, and also by replicating authors of organized violence are lumped together, these questions in a follow-up survey using these victims attribute 80% of the 53 reported incidents of findings as a baseline. rape, murder and kidnapping to armed authorities and politically partisan groups, including gangs. Over half of the violations are attributed to gang leaders and Lavalas supporters. Gang leaders are at the top of the list at 28% of reported violations. Gang leaders from this period are generally viewed as Lavalas supporters although violent acts attributed to them are not necessarily political acts. Nevertheless, their access to guns, and official tolerance of their criminal acts, is attributable at least in part to their roles as a political base for Lavalas supporters and as leaders of political pressure groups known as chimè. 40 LOCAL ASSOCIATIONS, LOCAL GOVERNANCE & VICTIMIZATION Governance. The Constitution of 1987 provides for Grassroots organizations. How active are civilian governing councils in rural areas, municipal survey respondents in local religious or secular councils in towns and cities, and deliberative groups, and what effect does active participation assemblies at rural, municipal and departmental in local member-based organizations have levels. Despite these provisions, local governing on household rates of victimization, including bodies are poorly funded and provide a limited organized violence, and services and recourse in range of services. The constitutional provision for response to rights violations? assemblies has never been fully implemented. To measure participation in local associations, the Do local citizens appeal to local elected officials survey elicited frequency of interviewee participation for services, including protection from human in local religious groups, parent-teacher associations rights violence? The survey elicits the incidence of or other grassroots organizations, and modern credit contact between local citizens and local and central unions as well as traditional rotating credit groups authorities such as CASEC, mayors, executive (sang, sabotay, sol). Figure 11 demonstrates that délégués, and parliamentarians. Table 34 shows by far the highest rate of respondent participation is that only a small percentage (4%) of local residents with religious groups – between 71 and 85 percent seeks assistance from public authorities to resolve of respondents at all sites. The next highest rate is local problems. parent-student associations (34 to 45 percent at all sites) followed by neighborhood associations (9 to 18 percent at all sites). Port-au-Prince has the lowest rate of participation in local member-based associations (9%). This is not surprising in light of the high percentage of recent migrants to Port-au-Prince (nearly two-thirds of survey respondents are from other areas of Haiti). Secondly, there has historically been far greater donor and other public investment in promoting grassroots organizations in rural Haiti rather than urban areas. 41  For credit associations, residents of these low income Rates of victimization and participation in local urban neighborhoods show an impressively high organizations. Do the survey data show any rate of participation (52%) in traditional rotating credit correlation between victimization and organizational groups (sang, sol, sabotay), and a sizeable minority participation? Does organizational affiliation have (18%) in credit unions (see Tables 35 and 36). a positive or negative bearing on the incidence of aggression or the presence of restavèk children? Analysis of survey data show a correlation between neighborhood association membership and the likelihood of physical assault, but membership in religious groups and parent-student associations are statistically neutral in this regard. On the other hand, interestingly enough, there is a lower incidence of restavèk children among members of parent-student associations. These findings merit follow-up to better understand links between victimization and active participation in local organizations. This should be done for several reasons. First, grassroots organizations are a potential Fiure 12 demonstrates these trends for the five channel for conflict mediation and the prevention of cities surveyed. The high level of participation violence. Secondly, grassroots organizations can in traditional rotating credit associations reflects be effective in identifying and accompanying hidden pressing economic needs, a high demand for victims, and channeling information regarding credit, and easy social access to such groups legal recourse and other support services in the compared to the formalities of credit unions or face of rights violations. Thirdly, the emergence commercial banks. of local organizations also offers strength in numbers and new social capital resources that can help counteract the threat of organized violence. 42 Table 37 links the incidence of physical assault Table 38 shows an interesting correlation between to the frequency of respondent participation in frequency of participation in parent-student neighborhood associations. Accordingly, 13% associations and the presence of restavèk servant of households that participate once a week in children. Only 11% of households that participate neighborhood organizations were victims of once a week in parent school associations have aggression versus only 6% rate of victimization for restavèk children in their home. This is only one- non-participants. The overall rate of participation third the restavèk rate of households (35%) that are in such groups is quite low, especially in Port-au- not members of parent school associations. The Prince; however, neighborhood groups such as intermediate categories show the same trend. In komite katye (“neighborhood committees”) tended other words, survey respondents who participate in to become politicized, and organizasyon popilè (OP) parent-school associations are less likely than other emerged as violent political pressure groups, which households to have a restavèk child at home. in the urban Haitian political context under Aristide significantly increased member vulnerability to violence, both as authors of violence and its victims. It is hardly surprising that heightened risk of aggression would accompany membership in such organizations whose very existence served to increase organized violence, and undercut the development of social capital (noted earlier), based on institutional arrangements that encourage the growth of trust. 43 Availability and Use of Services SURVEY FINDINGS ON USE & KNOWLEDGE OF SERVICES Recourse and use of services. As shown in Table 39, the percentage of all survey households who have brought charges or registered complaints with the authorities or human rights organizations averages 8% at all survey sites surveyed (see Figure 7 below for breakdown by city). Not surprisingly, victimized households show a much higher rate of filing than other households (38%); however, it is important Figure 8 above indicates that victims are far more to note that the vast majority (62%) of victimized inclined to register complaints with the police (80%) households did not file complaints or bring charges. and the court system (60%) than human rights organizations (20%) or women’s organizations (10%). It should also be noted that police and the courts, though woefully inadequate, are generally more available than other central government institutions in Haiti, and provide some degree of national coverage in relative terms. 45  Petit-Goâve shows by far the lowest rate of The household survey asked whether respondents respondent knowledge of services (6%), which may were aware of services available to victims, and if reflect the more limited range of services available household victims of assault had used such services. in Petit-Goâve compared to other cities studied. Survey findings indicate that respondent knowledge of victim services is low. As shown in Table 40, only The survey instrument also tested the frequency with 15% of 1,431 respondents knew where to go for which victims used particular types of services, as services to victims of violence. reported by respondents, for 98 household victims of assault including organized violence. The findings in Table 41 and Figure 12 indicate that access to small groups was the most commonly used service (33%). Another 22% received medical attention, and 19% benefited from interpersonal support, including physical accompaniment in seeking other services such as medical services. Another 12% sought legal or psychological services, and 13% received other Figure 11 shows percentages by city. St. Marc shows types of assistance including temporary shelter or a much higher rate (33%) than other cities surveyed. financial assistance. This may reflect the relative efficiency of Hôpital St. Nicolas and its collaboration with active civil society organizations such as FEFBA which provides legal aid and physically accompanies victims who need medical services. 46  PHR INVENTORY OF SERVICES Table 42 below summarizes and categorizes the range of services offered by these institutions, by département. Not surprisingly, the largest number of institutions is found in the West département, primarily in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. Nearly two-thirds of the inventoried institutions do Subsequent to the household prevalence survey, education and training, roughly a third provides carried out in December 2007, PHR completed medical services or legal aid, and 30% do social an inventory of partner institutions providing reinsertion or case documentation and referral. services. The project also carried out assessments In light of the listing of services available in the of 13 partner institutions including two Haitian PHR inventory (Table 42), it is interesting to note government agencies – the Office National de that victims in the household survey (Table 41) Migration (ONM), and the national ombudsman, reported greater use of group therapy sessions, Office Protecteur de Citoyen (OPC), as well as 11 medical services, and personal “accompaniment” other local associations in Cap-Haïtien, Gonaïves, than the other services. The categories in the St. Marc, and Petit-Goâve. See Annex V for the list two tables are not entirely consistent; however, of 116 service providers inventoried by PHR, and it appears that legal services are underutilized by Annex VI for a list of 11 shelters. victims, services offered do not reach the majority of victims, and the balance of inventoried services 47  favors education and training over direct services of persons, including the migration office (ONM) to victims. It is highly appropriate to do prevention; and the national ombudsman (OPC). Both are however, education is not sufficient, particularly in confronted with severe constraints in budgets and the face of legal constraints and weaknesses in the personnel, and neither has an adequate legislative system of enforcement. Furthermore, very few of framework (loi organique) to define its existence the inventoried services are public services. There as a public institution. According to the PHR report is a marked absence of national service networks to of 2008, the ONM has a very limited presence at ensure some degree of national coverage through the border and virtually no direct involvement with the four critical public services – the police function border repatriation or the prevention of trafficking and (BPM), migration (ONM), child protection services smuggling of persons across the Haitian-Dominican (IBESR), and the ombudsman (OPC). border. This finding from 2008 is consistent with recent field interviews in Dajabón. A total of 18 institutions provide lodging, including some of the 11 shelter services listed in Annex VI. The OPC ombudsman is well situated to play a key Given the sheer scale of restavèk children, their role in combating organized violence by virtue of its dense concentration in Port-au-Prince, and the fact juridical autonomy and mission to protect individuals that two-thirds of them are girls, there is a shortage from abuse by agents of the state. In 2008 it carried of shelter services, particularly in light of the high out a training program on torture and organized risk of rape and other abuses that afflict restavèk violence that targeted police, penitentiary staff, and girls, and the need for protective services to serve local government offices (mayoral and communal runaway children fleeing abusive situations. sectional personnel). According to the PHR report, Although 30 percent of inventoried institutions the OPC does not carry out programs focused provide reinsertion services, such services are labor specifically on restavèk and child trafficking. intensive and time consuming. They are able to serve only a small volume of victims since reinsertion, for In 2006 and 2007, the PADF-Trafficking in Persons example, of restavèk children into poverty stricken project evaluated the Brigade de Protection des rural homes can result in their being sent anew into Mineurs (BPM) of the national police, and the Institut restavèk placement – unless these households du Bien-Etre Social et de Recherches (IBESR) receive some type of ongoing support services such attached to the Ministry of Social Affairs. The creation as assistance in educating their children. of the BPM in 2002 was an important step forward in law enforcement related to children’s rights. As noted earlier, PHR has assessed government According to the PADF report, the BPM is regularly agencies critical to providing services to victims and involved with runaway restavèk children; however, to the struggle against stop trafficking and smuggling it has little impact on the problem of trafficking and 48  PARTNERS AND PRIORITIES smuggling of persons due to limited resources Prioritizing Victims to Be Served and the absence of a systematic campaign to identify and arrest smugglers of children and To complement survey data, a series of qualitative others across the border. The BPM arrested four interviews with key informants sought first to identify child smugglers in Plaisance in 2004, perhaps categories of victims already targeted for service by the first such cases in Haitian law enforcement. local partner organizations, secondly, under-served, This created precedent for enforcing existing laws ignored or hidden victims, and thirdly, a sense of against smuggling; however, there has been no partner priorities for victims to be served. subsequent follow-up. Furthermore, parliament has not yet enacted the legislation required to Priority categories of victimization. Respondents combat trafficking in restavèk children. in qualitative interviews identified the following victim categories as high priority for services: The IBESR is the primary public social service focused on child protection and rehabilitation; • Children at risk of sexual exploitation however, it has a very limited presence outside of including prostitution, adult and child victims Port-au-Prince and virtually no presence along the of rape, unschooled children, street children, Haitian-Dominican border. According to the PADF- TIP evaluation, the IBESR has been little involved • Children trafficked across the border with services to trafficked and smuggled children including children separated from parents or including shelter services. other caretaker adults during cross border migration and repatriation, These four public institutions – ONM, OPC, BPM, • Victims of “mob justice” including children IBESR – are absolutely critical to combating exposed to traumatic incidents, trafficking and smuggling of persons as well as torture • Harsh conditions of incarceration including and organized violence. They are poorly funded by children incarcerated with adults, the national budget, and they lack an adequate legal framework to exercise their missions. They have all • Victims of organized violence including been dependent on international funding including abuse by the police, penal guards, and other the UNDP, UNICEF, and USAID, as well as the IOM public employees. which provides assistance to ONM. These categories of victimization are not fully consistent with the list of victim categories identified in the introductory chapter of this report, particularly 49  partner concerns for unschooled children and There is a shortage of reliable studies on child victims of rape or mob violence that are unrelated to prostitution in Haiti. A pre-test for the PHR household trafficking, torture, and organized violence. survey found questions pertaining to the prevalence of child prostitution to be sensitive, and interfered Children vulnerable to sexual exploitation. with responses to other questions. Therefore In areas targeted for PHR services, there are these questions were eliminated from the survey few services available for minors recruited into instrument. In any case, for both psychosocial and prostitution, and even fewer in border areas, cultural reasons, child prostitution is best studied including services to young sex workers repatriated using qualitative methods. Clearly this area of child by Dominican authorities. victimization requires follow up study. In light of concerns expressed by PHR partners, Child prostitution. According to partner interviews, especially women’s organizations, sexual prostitution in St. Marc is centered on (i) streets and exploitation warrants more in-depth study with a bars of certain areas such as Maurepas Avenue and view to improving social services for child victims Derrière Moulin, (ii) the “batolières” – a term used by of prostitution. Minors who work as servants or by FEFBA to refer to young women offering sexual servers in small bars and restaurants are especially services to sailors at the port of Saint Marc, (iii) vulnerable to sexual exploitation. Rural children recruitment of minors engaged in non-sex work in sent to urban centers for education are also highly the streets near bars (e.g., Portail Guêpe), and (iv) vulnerable, especially in households composed the sexual recruitment of girls from nearby schools primarily of minors without adult family members in these neighborhoods. in residence. Orphans in general, and especially AIDS orphans, face a heightened risk of child Organizations in Gonaïves have identified the domesticity and prostitution. Children in orphanages streets and bars (“cafés”) of Rue Vernet such as are vulnerable to sexual assault by orphanage staff. Malè Pandye and Sugar Night Club; in Cap-Haitian, Young girls in restavèk placement are vulnerable to Rue 17-A and Lotbòpon; in Petit-Goâve, streets and sexual use by men and adolescent boys resident bars of Bèlavni such as Auberge and Amido Disco. In in the household. Other high risk factors for sexual Pétionville and Port-au-Prince, young women work exploitation include urban children not in school, the sidewalks and bars of certain areas, especially children of very poor urban households, child victims the downtown area of Pétionville. of rape who are sometimes abandoned or neglected, and the children of former restavèk child servants Victims of rape. Women’s organizations contacted reflecting a disturbing pattern of inter-generational in this study express a keen interest in services transmission of risk and trafficking. to victims of rape. There is some concern that the 50 incidence of rape is growing, generating increased of Women accompanies rape victims seeking numbers of hidden victims unwilling to denounce services from La Providence Hospital, the human their attackers or seek medical attention for fear of rights section of MINUSTAH, and a local volunteer being stigmatized. Rape does not manifest itself network, especially women’s organizations. primarily as a problem of organized violence at present; however, girls under age 18 are the primary According to service providers interviewed, victims of rape and sexual violence. Feedback from including the director of St. Trinité Hospital (St. partner institutions suggests that the incidence Marc), accompanied victims tend to receive better of rape has increased in the wake of destructive services. This is due in part to the more open tropical storms and hurricanes, including Tropical communication of victim needs in a context where Storm Jean in 2004, and after the series of four victims are reluctant to talk, and the accompanying hurricanes in September-October 2008. person, generally a volunteer, and the service provider are already known to each other. In effect There is a natural convergence of interest among (i) the accompanying person plays a crucial role in the women’s organizations, (ii) medical institutions such service provider network. as clinics and hospitals, (iii) and specialized HIV-AIDS services that include the tracking of sexual contacts Unschooled children at risk. Partner organizations with a heightened risk of HIV-AIDS infection. Closer attribute high priority to targeting services at school collaboration among the three service networks age children not in school. Children not in school could significantly improve services to victims of are generally the poor and underprivileged. Such rape and child prostitution, and to AIDS orphans at children are vulnerable to sexual exploitation, risk of sexual exploitation and child domesticity. prostitution, living in the street, restavèk status, organized begging, and also paid child labor Women’s organizations commonly play an important arrangements. In short, children not enrolled in role in accompanying rape victims seeking medical school, and children in school who are over age and legal services, e.g., FEFBA in St. Marc, for their grade level, are powerful indicators of AFASDA in Cap Haitian, Oganizasyon Fanm Solidè heightened risk and vulnerability. Programmatically, and Espoir des Femmes Haitiennes in Petit-Goâve, education is a separate sector; however, partners and Kay Fanm and SOFA in Port-au-Prince. Rape are well aware of the acute vulnerability of school victims also contact the Ministère à la Condition age children not in school. Feminine which refers victims to medical and legal services, and sometimes accompanies victims in Enhancing the value of socially devalued filing charges or seeking services. For example, in children. Field observations suggest that enrollment Gonaïves the departmental office of the Ministry in school directly enhances a child’s social status; 51  schooled children are deemed more valuable and streets - kokorat children left to fend for themselves, therefore more highly valued socially. Concomitantly, earning small sums from petty commerce, petty not being in school significantly diminishes the theft, cleaning cars, or carrying things for street social status of children, and greatly increases their vendors and market women. Street children also run vulnerability to abuse. For example, children not in a heightened risk of rape, victimization by agents of school are more vulnerable to corporal punishment, organized violence including the police, assault by including children living with their own families as other street children, drug use, and recruitment by well as restavèk children living away from home. gangs of young adults. A number of partner organizations put great According to partner organizations, children of the emphasis on educating (i) restavèk children, and street who have spent a significant amount of time (ii) poor children in general, as a high priority in in the street are “hardened,” extremely difficult to poor neighborhoods. As noted earlier, aside from recuperate and little inclined to schooling. Hardened the inherent value of learning, the social status street children tend to protect their freedom from benefits of schooling have a significant impact on adult authority and from efforts by authority figures a child’s treatment, including restavèk children. to restrict access to sex, drugs and petty income. In According to partner organizations, subsidized effect, veteran street children may strongly value their schooling of restavèk children is generally accepted independence, having attained a kind of premature by household heads. adulthood along with the dangers and difficulties of living in the street. Social service agencies that target The very fact of enrolling restavèk children in schools street children report more success with children also puts social pressure on restavèk households, newly arrived in the street, including abandoned or enables follow-up by school personnel to monitor lost children or recent runaways from abusive homes domestic treatment, and facilitates restavèk child or restavèk placement (for example, L’Escale). access to other social services. In short, educating the poor is an effective measure to prevent restavek Partner organizations providing services to street placement, and educating restavèk children can children include a number of Catholic agencies effectively alleviate the effects of restavèk placement, in the Port-au-Prince area. There are also street foreshorten the amount of time children remain in children in other Haitian cities; however, the growing restavèk placement, and reduce the likelihood of number of street children in small towns appears inter-generational child domesticity. to be a fairly recent trend. In terms of magnitude, review of field studies suggests that street children Street children. Urban children not in school are are far fewer in number, overall, than the victims of far more likely than other children to hustle the child domesticity or rape; however, street children 52 have a social impact that far surpasses their During fieldwork, this researcher observed the numbers because they are visible to the public and presentation of a labor dispute at the Cap-Haitiën are recruited by adult criminals who use children as office of the Ministry of Social Affairs. In this case, lookouts and unpaid child servants, and also to carry an underage maid accused her employer of physical firearms and commit crimes. Street children are abuse. The case was assessed as a problem of also vulnerable to political use as hired protestors, employer-employee relations without regard to including recruitment by chimè gangs and political under age status nor to whether or not the worker pressure groups in the recent past. was legally employed. Cross border trafficking in children. Women’s Popular justice. Partner organizations express organizations and social workers encountered in concern about the continuing incidence of “popular Cap-Haitiën point to the recruitment of children justice” in which people accused of theft or other for organized begging. Informants cite cases of crimes are attacked or killed by mobs. This may also organized begging in Cap Haitiën as well as a qualify as a form of organized violence when tolerated number of Dominican cities. The recruitment of or subtly promoted by authorities. Mob justice children for organized begging targets babies and violates the rights of the victim, and traumatizes young children below school age. School age others including children. These incidents often children are recruited to shine shoes and provide occur when local neighborhoods are repeatedly sexual services in the Dominican Republic. victimized by criminals, and law enforcement officials are absent or unresponsive. The absence or Prosecution of child domesticity and trafficking. perceived indifference of law enforcement officials, According to lawyers, judges and prosecutors and a perceived lack of legal recourse, generates a interviewed, there have been no prosecutions of climate conducive to mob violence. child domesticity or trafficking in Haitian courts. There have been cases that relate to the abusive Detention conditions. Terrible conditions of punishment of children, including restavèk children, detention are a high priority concern of lawyers and but not because of their restavèk status. According human rights organizations encountered, especially to the state prosecutor in Petit-Goâve, neither the in Gonaïves and Petit-Goâve. Informants state that parents of origin nor the adults in restavèk households the 48 hour limit on imprisonment without notification nor restavèk children themselves are likely to bring of cause is rarely respected. Furthermore, children suit over illegal restavèk status. It is the prosecutor’s accused of crimes are commonly detained together view, based on similar cases in other countries, that with adults. According to members of the Bar restavèk cases and trafficking are unlikely to be Association of Gonaïves, organized abuse of prosecuted unless advocacy groups actively bring prisoners by other prisoners is tolerated by police suit on behalf of a restavèk child. authorities. This tolerance of abuse may therefore constitute a form of organized violence. 53  The slow operations of the judicial system result Summary of victim priorities identified by in extended periods of temporary detention. For key informants. Children in domesticity are a example, the prosecutor’s office of Petit-Gôave high priority for numerous partner organizations. provided statistical evidence of the slow pace of Women’s organizations also assign high priority to judicial proceedings. Between 2004 and 2007, the adult and child victims of rape and child prostitution. prosecutor registered 386 cases but processed only Child domesticity and rape appear to account for the 65 judgments, 17% of the cases registered with the largest numbers of human rights violations targeted prosecutor’s office. According to the prosecutor, most by the Project. There is also a significant incidence of the accused cannot afford legal representation. of double victimization since restavèk girls are more This commonly results in extended periods of vulnerable to rape than other children. Street children temporary detention that last for years resulting in are comparatively fewer in number, but the social the denial of justice, i.e., therefore, justice delayed problem of street children is a high profile issue and is justice denied a priority concern of many partner organizations, especially in Port-au-Prince and Cap Haitian. There Organized violence. In some areas such as Petit- is evidence of a fairly recent trend for increased Goâve and St. Marc, victims of political violence numbers of street children in Haitian cities besides from the Aristide era and the period following his the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. In terms of departure made an effort to document politically- the relative weight of different categories of children motivated assault; however, this documentation has at risk, partner organizations assign high priority to not generally resulted in arrests or lawsuits against school age children who are not in school. Lawyers aggressors. The mayor’s office in Petit-Goâve and rights organizations express great concern maintains a victim documentation base, and victim over illegal conditions of detention, the continuing associations in Saint-Marc and elsewhere continue incidence of mob violence, and inefficiency, delays to advocate for reparations related to assault during and corruption in the administration of justice. the Aristide era. Violent political polarization is currently much less prevalent; however, there are cases of organized violence, such as the cause célèbre in Cap-Haitiën in which a prison guard used his authority to assault the wife of a prisoner. 54 Training Themes up the social service skills and distribution network and Recommendations for critical public sector institutions (IBESR, BPM, OPC, ONM). Field interviews with partner organizations also identified priority themes for in-service training and How to receive victims (ki jan pou n resevwa continuing education, including the following: moun?). Most organizations encountered express strong interest in practical training on sensitive ways • How to receive victims, of dealing with victims of rape and other physical violations, including medical admissions, physical • Training of human rights trainers, including examinations, and police or court declarations. procedures for reporting violations, and the Such training should take into account psychological training of volunteers assisting victims of aspects of trauma. rape, • Training social workers in group work and the Pertinent targets for this training vary greatly use of victim support groups including volunteers, social workers, hospital admissions, nurses, doctors and all service staff • Victim follow-up and social reinsertion and coming into contact with victims. Training should reintegration, take into account the specific roles and education • Strategies for identifying and providing level of targeted personnel. For example, a group services to hidden victims, of medical residents assigned to maternity at Justinien Hospital requested training sessions on • Human rights training for law students and psychological aspects of doctor-patient relations practicing lawyers, including children’s rights including victims of rape. On the other hand, the and trafficking. majority of people who accompany victims of rape are generally volunteers without training. In addition In the interim since interviews were undertaken, to training on how to deal with victims in the period the PHR project has carried out training pertinent immediately following victimization, training should to all of these thematic and training targets. At this also emphasize follow-up strategies beyond initial point it would be useful to assess the effectiveness contact with medical services and authorities, and coverage of training in relation to the need including legal counsel or psychological support. and especially to evidence of practical applications of training, and to institutionalizing, for example, Training of trainers. Partners express strong human rights training for law students, and building interest in training on how to report rights violations 55  to the authorities, including rape. The training of Identification of hidden victims. How can social partner organization trainers would facilitate training service agencies and human rights groups enter and support for other staff and particularly for into contact with hidden victims? How can agencies volunteers who accompany rape victims. reach traumatized victims afflicted by social stigma, fear of reprisal, and a sense of powerlessness? Training of social workers. In-service training of social workers should include techniques for group Partner organizations have approached this work, and the use of groups as a support system problem in various ways. In order to reach children for victims, including victims of rape. A staff person in domesticity, FEFBA organized an informal for the Ministry of Social Affairs in Cap-Haïtien house to house “survey” of the entire city of St. expressed a need to train ministry personnel in the Marc and offered scholarships to children not area of human trafficking, social reinsertion of victims, in school, including restavèk children as well as child domesticity and employment of minors. other unschooled children. In Cap Haitian, AFASA undertook a campaign to identify victims of rape Victim follow-up and the challenge of social in 19 northern municipalities. AFASA contacted reinsertion. Social reinsertion is an important key informants in each commune including judges, concern of partner organizations, and a high priority prominent local citizens, church leaders, the police, for victim accompaniment and follow-up. Reinsertion health centers, women’s groups and human rights applies to various victim categories including organizations. restavèk children, rape victims and street children. A number of women’s organizations facilitate social Partner organizations in smaller towns express an reinsertion of rape victims. For restavèk children, interest in using radio to reach victims in rural areas, CAD (Centre d’action pour le développement) especially hidden victims and those unaware that their has developed a method based on extended legal rights have been violated. Publicity campaigns accompaniment and follow-up of children reinserted can be a useful means of transmitting messages to into their family homes of origin. The topic should be hidden victims, but publicity campaigns have limited a high priority for service provider sessions devoted value unless tied directly to program response and to participatory review and discussion of practical identifiable points of service. Therefore, any media strategies for social reinsertion of victims. campaigns should be locally targeted and directly facilitate victim access to legal and social services by disseminating contact information. 56 Seminars on the law. The Project should continue to support human rights training for (i) law students and (ii) practicing lawyers, including seminars on children’s rights, trafficking and legal representation of rape victims and children whose rights have been violated, and changes in the core curriculum in law schools to support human rights law and children’s rights. Such sessions should be linked to broader efforts to increase the legal representation of the poor and disenfranchised. The Bar Association of Gonaives noted a problem of unequal representation when law school interns provide legal aid to the poor, especially when confronting experienced lawyers representing the other party to a lawsuit. The Project should also sponsor seminars on conflict mediation and how to organize around problems of mob violence. 57 Program & Policy Implications  SUMMARY OF KEY FINDINGS The present chapter reviews the household Overall, the PHR survey found an astonishingly high prevalence survey (a) to situate findings in the percentage of the 3,188 children surveyed living broader social and political context, and (b) make away from their homes of origin; 32% of the children practical recommendations for orienting and surveyed were not born to the heads of household of prioritizing program activities in the human rights survey households. and social service sector. The survey found that 30% of all survey households There has been considerable news reporting on had restavèk children present, 16% of all children organized violence and child trafficking in urban surveyed were placed as restavèk, and 22% of all Haiti; however, there is little reliable information on children were treated as restavèk servants, including the prevalence of such violations within the general a remarkably high 44% of all children in Cité Soleil. population, especially with regard to restavèk servant children. Therefore, this report focuses Gender is a dominant feature of restavèk recruitment. primarily on the following question: What is the scale Two-thirds of restavèk children are girls. of victimization? Field based study of the relative prevalence of victims for different victim categories Restavèk placement and high prevalence is deeply is a critical factor in setting program priorities and marked by poverty, and the movement of children orienting public policy to make a discernable, from poor to somewhat less poor households. measureable impact. An important new finding from this survey is that a significant minority of households with restavèk children has sent its own children into restavèk placement. The magnitude of intra-urban movement of children within the metropolitan area is significant new development in the reporting on restavèk placement. Not surprisingly, the majority of urban restavek children were born in rural Haiti; however, households in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan demonstrate a new variant in published findings on restavèk recruitment: the largest single recruitment source is other urban households in the metropolitan area. Therefore, recruitment of restavèk children can no longer be viewed solely as a rural to urban phenomenon. 59  Geographically, Port-au-Prince and St. Marc had The PHR study sheds important new light on the a significantly higher proportion of households vulnerability of students sent to live with relatives with restavèk children present - well over a third of who provide board and room during the school year. households surveyed. Cité Soleil at 44% had the The survey indicates that the vast majority of such highest proportion of restavèk children. boarding students are treated similarly to restavèk children but without the restavèk label. The Port-au-Prince metropolitan area houses by far the densest concentration of restavèk children the Although the majority of all boarding students had country. The most important municipalities supplying kinship ties with the host household, some 35% of restavèk children to Port-au-Prince, aside from the “restavèk-boarders” had no kin ties to the head of metropolitan area itself, are Les Cayes, Jacmel, household, whereas boarding students not treated Jérémie and Léogane. as restavèk were all related to the household head. This suggests that the absence of kinship ties may The household study provides new information on increase the risk of abuse and child domesticity, the relation of kinship to child placement. The vast although it is also abundantly clear that kin ties are majority of restavèk children surveyed are related to not a barrier to restavèk treatment. host family household heads. A niece or a nephew adopted informally by an aunt or uncle may well There is some evidence from field interviews that be treated as a restavèk child under the banner of the proportion of restavèk without kin ties to host kinship. A child under age 5 may be related to the households may be growing, especially in the head of the household, and benefit from lodging and Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. Given evidence food until such time as he or she is old enough to of heightened risk of mistreatment for unrelated provide domestic services. Even though such a child restavèk children, it is important to monitor this trend was not recruited as a restavèk (a defined social over time. status) but rather as a distant relative (ti paran), he or she may find herself in a situation of domesticity A significant factor in the treatment of boarding without necessarily bearing the restavék label. children is the economic situation of families placing their children in such boarding arrangements. There In sum, kinship ties to host household heads do not is evidence from field interviews that boarding necessarily shield children from restavèk treatment students whose families contribute more to the host or status. Kinship ties and student board and room family, such as food, tend to be treated better. arrangements often camouflage treatment that is In short, restavèk treatment varies along a continuum little different from restavèk servant children. rather than being sharply defined by overt placement as restavèk. 60 For other forms of victimization, the survey shows communications within grassroots organizations some 7 percent of survey households marked in urban neighborhoods, including neighborhood by incidents of rape, murder, kidnapping, or gang watch, conflict monitoring, conflict mediation, and involvement. Respondents attribute the vast watchdog roles in response to organized violence majority of rapes, murders and kidnappings to or child trafficking. armed authorities and politically partisan groups including gangs. In terms of incidents of physical Such efforts would require a significant investment in assault, Port-au-Prince households ranked much community organization and outreach in urban areas higher (nearly 16%) than the other cities. since for historical reasons urban neighborhoods are generally less well organized (fewer and less The majority of victims did not register attacks with well developed grassroots organizations) than the authorities. Victims that did report assaults were most rural areas of Haiti, including a tendency for far more inclined to register complaints with the neighborhood organizations to be used as political police and courts than other institutions. pressure groups or vehicles for electoral campaigns rather than for local public services or development. Households in survey target cities away from Furthermore, the most densely populated urban the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area had higher neighborhoods tend to have higher proportions of rates of children-in-the-street, and higher rates recent immigrants than other neighborhoods. of children sent to the Dominican Republic or deported from there. In terms of associational life, the overwhelming majority of households are active participants in religious activities and institutions. Among secular associations, the highest level of participation is with rotating credit groups and credit unions. High ownership rates for radio, television, and cell phones in these urban neighborhoods suggest growing opportunities for dissemination of media messages via radio and television, and for telephone response to such messages or telephone communications related to victim services. For example, cell phones offer the potential for improved 61  POLITICAL CONTEXT OF ORGANIZED VIOLENCE In 2006 the USAID Mission targeted volatile urban Haitian National Police, MINUSTAH, and armed and neighborhoods for PHR programming including Cité uniformed ex-soldiers of the Haitian Armed Forces, Soleil, Haiti’s now archetypal hotspot, along with which had been dismantled by Aristide in 1995. In other low income urban neighborhoods marked by Cap-Haitian, local supporters referred to invading social and political conflict, crime and violence, and forces as “rebels”; supporters of Aristide called dense concentrations of highly vulnerable people. At them “asayan” (aggressors). The invading forces in present, these urban areas continue to be marked by Cap-Haitian initially supplanted the police but with a highly vulnerable populations; however, the political political twist. According to one interviewee, and social context has evolved over time. For the past two years there has been an overall reduction Militè demobolize in the level of political polarization. Food riots in It was the demobilized soldiers April 2008 led to a change in government; however, ki te kalme chimè Lavalas. there was a peaceful if somewhat delayed transition who calmed down Lavalas chimè. to the new government. At present, the urban neighborhoods originally targeted for study show In general, the political turmoil that surrounded the no evidence of violent political conflict comparable departure of Aristide gave rise to a wider breakdown to the Aristide and post-Aristide period. Gangs no of law and order. The presence of competing armed longer control hotspots, and the hotspots of 2006 groups left numerous victims of organized violence are no longer hot, although violence continues in in their wake. In many cases, political and criminal Haiti in other forms. actions merged. In Cap-Haitian, political pressure groups called OP (organisations populaires) were The acute political and social polarization that led active, although unlike Cité Soleil these groups were to the fall of Aristide continued for a time in other not generally identified locally as “gangs.” Politically forms under the Interim Government (2004-2006). partisan groups in Gonaïves and St. Marc were This included Operation Bagdad, a campaign of openly interested in control over the ports and the kidnappings and other violent acts by politically opportunity for job patronage and corruption related partisan gangs (chimè) identified primarily with to importing cars and other high value imports. Cité Soleil. This period was also marked by the In Gonaïves, rival gangs with cocky noms de presence of rebel forces and ex-soldiers in some guerre dominated the adjoining neighborhoods of areas of the country including Gonaïves, Cap- Raboteau and Jubilé, or the Cannibal Army versus Haïtien and Petit-Goâve. For an extended period of the Vampire Army. In St. Marc, conflict between rival time, travelers from Port-au-Prince to Petit-Goâve political pressure groups - Bale Wouze (Lavalas) passed through a series of checkpoints manned and RAMICCOS (opposition) – included the burning by distinctly separate armed forces including the of radio stations and houses, physical injury and 62 death, and what was identified as the massacre of The statement, “they hid behind politics to commit La Scierie (February 2004), a neighborhood where crimes,” is applicable to political pressure groups in RAMICCOS members lived. Under Aristide, Bale the various hotspot urban communities targeted for Wouze was dominant but its members went into PHR services and field studies. According to field hiding after the fall of Aristide, and RAMICCOS interviews, the various politically partisan groups became dominant. and gangs noted above were generally affiliated with a political parenn (godfather) - sometimes a senator In Petit-Goâve, travelers on the national road were or député. Some groups switched sides politically subject to search and theft at barricades manned depending on circumstances. They also engaged in by rival, politically partisan armed gangs called non-political activities both legal and illegal though chimè (supporters of Lavalas) or militan (militant with the benefit of political cover. supporters of the opposition konvèjans). As in Port- au-Prince and Gonaïves, some neighborhoods Political rivalries and social polarization dogged of Petit-Goâve were called lawless zones (zones the political campaign period leading up to 2006 de non droit) where the police rarely intervened elections; however, overt political rivalries within or feared to tread. According to field interviews in urban neighborhoods diminished following 2006 Petit-Goâve, supporters as well opponents of the elections and the inauguration of the Préval ancien régime from these political gangs were government in May 2006. Nevertheless, gang control subsequently arrested or killed during the period of and violence in Cité Soleil continued unabated Interim Government: throughout 2006, including an unprecedented rate of kidnapping. In Gonaïves, rival gangs maintained Chime kont militan. ongoing control over the slum districts of Raboteau It was the chimè against the militants. and Jubilé. In early 2007 the Haitian National Tou de gwoup arme. Police and MINUSTAH embarked on a concerted Both were armed groups. campaign of deadly force to disperse the network of Kashe deye politik pou yo fè zak. gangs that dominated Cité Soleil. According to field They hid behind politics to commit crimes. interviews, the Haitian National Police reestablished Konvejans ki plis mouri na mawonauj. themselves in Petit-Goâve as early as May 2005, More konvèjans partisans died in hiding. but in Gonaïves they only reestablished control of Konvejans te pi vyolan. gang dominated neighborhoods in May of 2007. Konvèjans adherents were more violent. Lavalas plis mouri prizon. Field interviews point to numerous victims of More Lavalas supporters died in prison. organized violence dating back to the period leading up to and following the departure of Aristide. Deputy 63  Mayor Yves Lindor of Petit-Goâve, a relative of the The reference to organized violence stems from assassinated journalist Brignol Lindor, was himself acute political and social polarization that led up to a victim of organized violence before his election to the fall of Aristide, and continued during the period the mayoral council, and he still suffers from these of interim government. The 2006 cycle of elections injuries. The current mayoral council of Petit-Goâve tended to normalize political arrangements, at least has documented some 96 cases of organized outwardly; however, the acute social stratification of violence from this earlier period, including people Haitian society remains, and there is without a doubt who were beaten, injured, and required medical an ongoing pattern of human rights violation and attention. Deputy Mayor Lindor stated: threats of organized violence. The Haitian National Police as well as human rights organizations such Nou pa ka fè anyen pou moun sa yo as the Commission Nationale Justice et Paix report We cannot do anything for these people regularly on acts of violence in the metropolitan area sof nou monte dosye yo. whether political or non-political. except to document their cases. For the moment, dominance of hotspot slum districts The deputy mayor also noted that the political by politically partisan gangs has disappeared, context has changed dramatically since this earlier but non-political gangs still operate, and urban period, and that the current trend in Petit-Goâve is neighborhoods continue to be plagued by crime and one of “reconciliation and tolerance.” Field interviews violence. In a sense, political violence has tended elicited similar statements in Gonaïves, Cap-Haïtien to become secular; violence continues, but for the and St. Marc: moment it is not defined primarily by politics in troubled urban neighborhoods. Li pa kontinye. It did not continue. Overall, politics in Haiti have always been Pa gen polarizasyon sa anko. accompanied by an underlying threat of organized It is not so polarized anymore. violence. Electoral campaigns in Haiti are generally Depi monte Prezidan Preval, marked by violent incidents and this will likely Since President Préval came to power, happen again in upcoming presidential elections. pa gen viktim anko Gonaïves. The Duvalier regime exercised a virtual monopoly there are no longer victims in Gonaïves. on violence; however, in the post-Duvalier era, there Violence organize, sete avan. emerged a kind of “democratization” of political The organized violence happened earlier. violence including violent political pressure groups and gangs (chimè) associated with the Aristide era. 64 During periods of crisis, organized violence readily in government, and abusive exercise of power by erupts in the street as exemplified by the food riots agents of law enforcement and government. of April 2008. Unemployed urban young people are readily mobilized as paid or unpaid demonstrators. Field interviews with victims, lawyers and agents of Furthermore, agents of government may abuse their the judicial system indicate that the judicial system authority, as in cases monitored by human rights does not function well. This creates incentive for organizations. This includes incidents of rape within unlawful recourse to settle grievances including the penal system as described in field interviews, mob violence. especially in Cap-Haitian and Gonaïves, and the rape of students by public school teachers in Petit-Goâve. Field interviews also suggest that people tend to be highly skeptical of elected officials and their capacity There are also associations of victims of organized as a channel for grievances: violence from the Aristide period who seek redress from injuries sustained during the period of intense Parol nan peyi isit political turbulence. Two organizations in St. Marc Getting the word out in this country are defined by old conflicts between Bale Wouze se sou plas piblik, (Lavalas) and RAMICCOS (opposition), reincarnated is on the public square, this time as victim associations, AVIFLASM, paske se sel la Association des Victimes de Fanmi Lavalas de St.- because it’s only place Marc, and AVIGES, the Association des Victimes du pou fe mesaj revandikasyon pase. Génocide de La Scierie. where grievance messages can be heard. In sum, the political turbulence that characterized Haitian society before and after the fall of Aristide has receded, and politically partisan gangs no longer dominate hotspot slum districts. Nevertheless, there are ongoing effects of organized violence from the Aristide era, including victims whose needs have not been met and whose cases have not been heard in a court of law. There is also the ever present specter of organized violence linked to political rivalries, which tends to erupt in moments of political and economic crisis, electoral campaigns and changes 65  PUBLIC POLICY AND HAITIAN LAW Haitian Law and were cited earlier in the report. Furthermore, a Trafficking in Persons proposed law on human trafficking is presently before the Haitian parliament. The definitions of trafficking, torture and organized violence discussed in Chapter I are based on US and Migration Policy and the Haitian- international law. They are not entirely consistent Dominican Border with Haitian law or legal practice and precedents. For example, Haitian law does not specifically The issues. Three issues dominate Haitian- prohibit trafficking in persons, including cross border Dominican relations along the border. These issues trafficking. Haitian lawyers interviewed in the course are inextricably interrelated and have a direct bearing of this study, including two judges and a prosecutor, on efforts to protect the human rights of Haitians: are unaware of any cases based on charges of trafficking in persons or the use of children as unpaid 1. Migration: Acute migration pressures from domestic servants. The June 2009 Trafficking in Haiti, strong Dominican demand for cheap Persons report notes that the child protection unit Haitian labor, the prevalence of illegal cross- of the national police has not pursued cases of child border migration by undocumented Haitian trafficking related to recruitment and use of restavek workers, trafficking in Haitian workers and servants because there are no statutory restrictions children, and a growing incidence of forced on this practice in Haiti. repatriation of Haitians from the Dominican Republic since the early 1990s; In sum, the fielding of a new police corps in 2003 2. Cross-border commerce: formal and informal devoted to the protection of minors was a landmark commerce, smuggling of commodities and development; however, current efforts to enforce persons, and the growing importance of laws protecting the rights of children have only Haitian buyers and sellers in Dominican a limited impact due to limited resources, training border markets since the embargo period of and coverage. Furthermore, Haitian law does not the early 1990s; provide adequate legal protection against trafficking 3. Border zone security: The 388 kilometer in persons. border is marked by the growing presence of Dominican armed forces at 10 kilometer There has been some recent progress on this intervals, the virtual absence of Haitian police front. In March 2009 the Haitian parliament or other border security forces throughout ratified the United Nations Convention against most of the border, scores of illegal border Transnational Organized Crime and its protocols crossings used by smugglers, traffickers, on human trafficking and smuggling, both of which 66  labor migrants, and border residents, and and commonly facilitate cross-border smuggling border related corruption by agents of the and trafficking for a fee. Children smuggled or Dominican army. trafficked across the border by Haitian traffickers are also subject to sexual assault and separation from parents or caretakers. Migration, repatriation and human rights. The most politically sensitive of these issues is Haitian Absence of labor migration policy. There is no bi- migration and repatriation, accompanied by national agreement on labor migration and neither smuggling and trafficking across a porous border. government has asserted effective control over A 20 year decline in the Haitian economy combined cross-border migration. Neither Haiti nor Dominican with heightened Dominican demand for cheap labor Republic has a national cross-border labor migration gave rise to acute migration pressures and a cross- policy although migration pressures have tended border market for human smugglers and traffickers, to increase over time. It appears that neither including trafficking in children for organized begging, government has the political will to confront the shining shoes, prostitution, and restavèk placement whole issue of labor migration, except for Dominican as domestic servants, including Haitian households reinforcement of its border patrol and periodic round in the Dominican Republic. Cross border trafficking up and repatriation of Haitians. and smuggling of persons has burgeoned into a major growth industry. Protocol on Repatriation (1999). In December 1999, the two governments signed a protocol on procedures The situation is complicated by a pervasive for repatriating Haitians, including respect for the Dominican fear of being overwhelmed by a flood human rights of those repatriated. The provisions of of Haitian migrants. In response, the Dominican the protocol are summarized below: office of migration periodically rounds up people who physically appear to be Haitian and repatriates • Repatriation will not take place between them. According to eye witness reports, the border 6:00 PM and 8:00 AM. corps of the Dominican army sends undocumented Haitians back when caught trying to cross the • Avoid separation of nuclear families, border or picked up at roadway checkpoints in the including children unaccompanied by parents. border region. • Repatriation limited to the four major crossing points. Dominican law includes anti-trafficking and anti- smuggling legislation; however, field interviews on • The Haitian government maintains migration both sides of the border suggest that soldiers of the inspection offices at crossing points used for Dominican army have a reputation for corruption, repatriation. 67  • Respect for the human rights of repatriated Despite a 380 kilometer border, 16 border persons, allowing them access to personal communes, and scores of informal border crossings, effects, not withholding personal documents. only Ouanaminthe, Malpasse, and Belladère are presently equipped with physical infrastructures for • Dominican authorities will provide each Haitian border authorities. The Office National de repatriated person a document of repatriation. Migration has no personnel posted directly to the • Dominican authorities will provide advance Haiti/DR border, although the ONM is technically notice of repatriation to Haitian diplomatic responsible for processing all repatriated and and consular personnel, including a listing of deported Haitians. Field interviews point to an overall persons repatriated. pattern of non-adherence, or partial adherence at best, to the procedures for repatriation noted above. • Haitian authorities will establish migration For example, children are often separated from control posts throughout the border to prevent parents or other caretaker adults during repatriation illegal migration. by the Dominican migration authority. • The Haitian government will provide identity papers to Haitian citizens seeking to migrate to the Dominican Republic. 68 RECOMMENDATIONS Migration policy and human rights. The critical • Partner organizations devote little attention issue is how to handle Haitian labor migration in to monitoring or following up cases based on response to ongoing demand for cheap labor in the violation of children’s rights. Dominican Republic. The most logical solution is • The judicial system has sometimes seen politically sensitive and requires the political will to cases based on physical abuse of children, (i) offer temporary work permits and (ii) establish a including restavèk children. binational entity to manage the process. • Legal and human rights informants interviewed In addition, improved protection of the human rights are unaware of any cases of prosecution of trafficked and repatriated Haitians requires that based on trafficking in children or the use of both countries actively enforce the provisions of children as unpaid domestic servants. the 1999 bilateral agreement on repatriation which includes respect for human rights, and to negotiate Therefore, support for this sector should include a binational labor migration policy, assure an active the following: presence of state authorities and services on both sides of the border, enforce existing laws against • Legal counsel and financial support to trafficking and smuggling in both countries, and pass prosecute test cases, create legal precedents additional anti-trafficking legislation in Haiti. and enforce the law on children’s rights, The human rights sector, parliamentarians, and the • Monitor court cases pertaining to children executive branch should be promoting these policies • Generate a critical mass of lawsuits aimed at and effective law enforcement. In the absence of protecting children’s rights executive initiatives in both countries, advocacy groups and donors should lobby with parliament and • Institutionalize human rights training of the executive branch to enforce the law, push for the ministry employees, lawyers, and law fundamental policy changes noted above, and enact students on children’s rights and the additional laws. protection of minors. Public sector services. The human rights sector Prosecuting violations of children’s rights. cannot adequately respond to improved policies Significant findings from field interviews with lawyers, and the need for better coverage and more effective judges, and a prosecutor include the following: enforcement unless four critically important public institutions are funded at much higher levels, • Court cases are chronically slow and rarely including a significant investment in better qualified achieve closure, human resources: BPM and the Haitian National 69  Police, OPC, IBESR, and ONM. Support for these • inter-generational patterns and consequences public services should be essential features of any of restavèk placement, including interviews donor and government of Haiti strategy to combat with adults reared in restavèk placement, trafficking and smuggling of persons, torture and • movement of restavèk children from house to organized violence. Given survey respondent house in urban areas, identification of the police as the most widely used service to victims, it is absolutely essential to • assessment of services available to restavèk expand police coverage, including border areas, girls including runaways, and integrate a heightened focus on basic police • the effects of post traumatic stress on training and ongoing in-service training. exploited and working children, Quantitative baseline survey & replication over • case studies and life histories of restavèk time. To orient and adjust program response to children, changing needs, patterns of restavèk placement • rapid assessment of rural sending should be monitored over time. The PHR household communities for restavèk children and child study establishes a replicable baseline for monitoring sex workers, the proportion of urban households with restavèk children, restavèk children with and without kin ties • updated information on street children, to household heads, and restavèk children with especially secondary cities, urban origins. • analysis of victim data collected by service providers, Additional research on sensitive topics. To protect • treatment of children trafficked to Dominican the rights of children, it would be useful to elicit Republic, including repatriated children, better information using qualitative methodologies and follow-up interviews on the following topics: • more detailed analysis of cases and patterns of organized violence identified by the study. • the recruitment and uses of children as sex workers, including cross border trafficking, Targeting high demand restavèk zones for PHR • the prevalence of sexually transmitted services. The study showed evidence of distinct diseases and mental health disorders among variations in the geographic patterns of victimization. women and girls in prostitution Given the need to prioritize scarce resources, PHR should more closely target its services to maximize • better information on urban households that impact with special attention to high density restavèk both send and receive restavèk children, 70 neighborhoods in Port-au-Prince and St. Marc, and the wide spread network of schools and churches, especially Cité Soleil which has by far the highest program outreach should prioritize schools and proportion of restavèk children. religious institutions as channels for reaching victims and communicating the availability of victim services. Targeting restavèk supply zones for services. In light of survey findings, outreach programs should Supply zones are widely dispersed; however, the actively promote parent participation in parent- Ouest department and the southern peninsula supply school associations, including households where by far the largest numbers of children for restavèk restavèk children are present. placement in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area, especially Les Cayes, Jacmel, Jérémie and Léogane. Organizational outreach and research strategy. The largest single supply center for restavèk children Follow-up research and local organizational is Port-au-Prince itself. assessment in urban communities should focus on a better understanding of survey-identified links Children sent to Dominican Republic. Efforts to between victimization and participation in local reach high risk recruitment areas for children sent organizations. The focus of interest should be how to to the Dominican Republic should target provincial make better use of local organizational networks to cities, especially Petit-Goâve, Cap-Haïtien, St. Marc prevent and mediate violence, reach hidden victims, and Gonaïves. and channel information regarding legal recourse and other support services in the face of rights violations. Targeting law enforcement and judicial services. Higher functioning grassroots organizations offer The first recourse for victims of violence is far and strength in numbers and may build a denser network away the police and the judiciary. Therefore, any of new social capital resources to counteract the serious effort to improve services to victims of threat of organized violence, in keeping with the violence should give high priority to training and Putnam (1993) social capital thesis. monitoring the police including human rights training, referral services and how to deal sensitively with Organized violence. Sector partners in violence traumatized victims. prone areas should make a special effort to organize watch programs, monitor local rates and risks of Referrals and services. To increase the level of murder, rape, and kidnapping, and take grassroots awareness of services, any information campaigns measures to diminish the risk of political violence, by project partners should emphasize the specific including rapid response mechanisms for conflict location of service centers for victims of violence mediation – especially during periodic electoral including social, medical and legal services. campaigns and changes of government. High impact grassroots associations. Given 71  Adapt program assistance to a wide diversity of Information management. Many partner partner organizations. The most salient distinctions organizations need practical training in data base are (i) public versus private service providers, (ii) management, including admissions data. These grassroots organizations (member-based, reliance needs should be discussed with partners with a view on volunteers) versus NGO service providers (paid to providing technical assistance and training to professional staff), (iii) advocacy groups, and (iv) improve data base management and to explore the professional associations (lawyers, psychologists, creation of a sector-wide data base to chart trends medical doctors). and target program services. Donor efforts to strengthen services should adapt Prevention as a priority. Partner organizations its support to widely varied partner associations stress the importance of preventive efforts, especially linked by shared interests in human rights and the schooling of restavèk children and sending other victim services. For example, attention to treatment unschooled children to school. modalities and improved methods for monitoring the impact of treatment applies mainly to a few Analyze existing data bases. Partner organizations state agencies and NGO service providers. On the often collect data on victims who benefit from their other hand, grassroots organizations are far more services; however, these data are generally not numerous, very local, and based on volunteer analyzed to assess trends or effectiveness of membership. Grassroots organizations are far better services provided. For example, the Coeur de Jeunes placed than professional service providers to contact School in Cap-Haitiën has collected information on hidden victims, share information and accompany the geographic origins of restavèk children enrolled victims seeking services. in the school. This is a rich data base that warrants social analysis, including follow up interviews in the Given the paucity of social services in Haiti, the localities and homes of origin of restavèk children. Project should work with the full range of professional service providers, victim associations, and advocacy Recommendations on targeting victims for groups, and not limit itself to professional service services. In light of study findings and partner providers. This should include practical training priorities, the human rights and social service sector and organizational development of grassroots should orient future programming as follows: associations as a channel for sharing information, accompanying victims in contacting the police and 1. The sector should assign high priority to court system, and access to legal, medical and social services that target child domesticity social services. and sexual assault of minors. 72 2. The category of unschooled children is by other available data, including analysis of data far the most numerous population of children sets available from partner organizations. at risk, and should be assigned high priority 8. To ensure more effective referral of rape for program assistance to prevent child victims and other hidden victims, including victimization and alleviate risk, especially the those with a heightened risk of HIV-AIDS risk of restavék placement. infection, the sector should promote 3. Donors with an interest in child trafficking systematic collaboration among (i) women’s and restavèk children should invest heavily organizations, (ii) medical institutions, (iii) in educating the poor, especially all school public social service providers, and (iv) age children. specialized HIV-AIDS services. 4. Services to street children should give first 9. Sector funding should expand support priority to improving services to children-in- for direct physical accompaniment and the-street who sleep at home, and shelters for ongoing follow-up of victims, including the children newly arrived in the street including use of trained volunteers, as a strategy for abandoned, lost, or runaway children. increasing the number of victims served, especially rape victims and other “hidden” 5. For long term, hardened street children of victims, and to diminish the impact of the street, funding sources should increase psychological trauma and social stigma in efforts targeted at prevention, since response to sensitive crimes. services to hardened street children tend to be less effective. 6. The vast majority of restavèk children are girls, but services appear to be more available to boys rather than girl restavèk and street children. Therefore, social services should expand services to girls, including shelters for restavèk children and other children fleeing abuse. 7. In response to partner concerns and the lack of well grounded information on the social dynamics of child prostitution, sector support should include study of underage prostitution that builds upon the household survey and 73  CONCLUSION In the broadest sense, alleviating the risk of • Significant expansion of public social and trafficking in restavèk children should be guided by human rights services including a much wider the following premises: service network for the police, especially the Brigade pour la Protection des Mineurs • The recruitment of restavèk servant children (BPM), the courts and administration of is intimately linked to poverty, especially justice, the Office Protecteur de Citoyens for sending households and oftentimes for (ombudsman), the Institut du Bien-être Social receiving households as well. et Recherches (IBESR), and the Office National de Migration (ONM), especially ONM • Donor and government programs directed services along the Haitian-Dominican border, at reducing the risk of restavèk placement should invest heavily in poverty alleviation • Prioritizing services in the Port-au-Prince and better quality and more widely available metropolitan area as the most important education, especially in rural areas. center for both supply and demand of restavèk children, and the urban community • Program interventions directed at trafficking with the highest risk of organized violence, in children should retain a focus on the especially during electoral campaigns and broader issues of children’s rights, the wider changes in government, social problems of child abuse and child labor exploitation, and an emphasis on humane • Strong advocacy for binational migration treatment of all children, rather than focusing policy reforms and enactment of legislation solely on restavèk placement. needed to combat trafficking, • Universal access to public services that have Pertinent program areas include the following: a strong, immediate impact on the supply and demand of restavèk children, especially • Investigation to fill in serious gaps in access to education and potable water. knowledge of victims to be served, • Legal reforms and improved law enforcement on behalf of children and against child abusers and the users of children as servants; passage of laws against child trafficking and child domesticity and the strengthening of children’s legal rights, 74 BIBLIOGRAPHY Bernier, Martine, and Dr. Françoise Ponticq. 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