(2020) Pauvreté et Inondations à Cap-Haïtien
Resume — Ce rapport de la Banque mondiale examine la relation entre la pauvreté et les inondations à Cap-Haïtien, la deuxième plus grande ville d'Haïti, en utilisant des données d'une enquête complète menée en 2018. L'étude analyse l'exposition, la vulnérabilité et la résilience des ménages aux inondations sous l'angle de la pauvreté.
Constats Cles
- Les inondations créent des perturbations importantes dans la vie des ménages avec des interruptions dans l'école des enfants et des destructions aux routes et chemins.
- Les ménages pauvres et ceux vivant dans des zones à haut risque souffrent plus des inondations que la population moyenne de Cap-Haïtien.
- Les ménages affectés par les inondations subissent une diminution de la consommation par habitant de 12 pour cent bien que statistiquement non significatif.
- Près de la moitié des ménages affectés par les inondations rapportent ne pas pouvoir restaurer leur consommation aux niveaux d'avant l'inondation.
- Deux ménages sur trois utilisent leurs économies pour faire face aux inondations tandis que les réductions de la consommation alimentaire constituent un autre mécanisme d'adaptation commun parmi les ménages pauvres.
Description Complete
Ce rapport de la Banque mondiale analyse la relation complexe entre la pauvreté et les inondations à Cap-Haïtien, en Haïti, en utilisant les données de l'Enquête sur les Risques Climatiques et la Pauvreté (CRPS) collectées entre octobre et novembre 2018. Cap-Haïtien, nichée dans une baie et abritant un grand bassin fluvial, fait face à des inondations dévastatrices pendant la saison des pluies en raison d'une urbanisation rapide et incontrôlée, d'installations illégales le long des berges, et d'une capacité de rétention des bassins versants réduite.
L'étude examine cette relation à travers trois dimensions clés : l'exposition (la mesure dans laquelle les ménages pauvres sont affectés par les inondations), la vulnérabilité (l'ampleur des effets des inondations sur les ménages pauvres), et la résilience (la capacité des ménages pauvres à se préparer, faire face et récupérer des inondations). La recherche révèle que les catastrophes naturelles fréquentes et sévères peuvent augmenter la vulnérabilité des ménages de Cap-Haïtien à tomber dans des pièges de pauvreté, affectant particulièrement les populations les plus pauvres.
L'analyse montre que les inondations créent des perturbations importantes dans la vie des ménages, y compris des interruptions de la scolarisation des enfants et la destruction des routes et chemins. Les ménages pauvres et ceux vivant dans des zones à haut risque souffrent de manière disproportionnée plus des inondations que la population moyenne. L'étude révèle que les ménages affectés par les inondations subissent une diminution de 12 pour cent de la consommation par habitant, bien que cet effet soit statistiquement non significatif.
Les ménages démontrent une résilience très limitée, avec près de la moitié des ménages affectés par les inondations rapportant une incapacité à restaurer leur consommation aux niveaux d'avant l'inondation. Pour faire face aux inondations, deux ménages sur trois utilisent leurs économies, tandis que de manière inquiétante, les réductions de la consommation alimentaire servent comme autre mécanisme d'adaptation commun, particulièrement parmi les ménages pauvres.
Texte Integral du Document
Texte extrait du document original pour l'indexation.
1
Poverty and Floods in Cap-
Haïtien
February 2020
Public Disclosure Authorized
Public Disclosure Authorized
Public Disclosure Authorized
Public Disclosure Authorized
i
Acknowledgments
This report was prepared by a World Bank team composed of Sering Touray (Consultant, Poverty
and Equity GP) and Emilie Perge (Senior Economist, Poverty and Equity GP) with inputs from Jonas
Parby (Senior Urban Specialist, Social, Urban Rural and Resilience GP), Claudia Soto Orozco (Disaster
Risk Management Specialist, Social, Urban Rural and Resilience GP), Nancy Lozano Garcia (Senior
Economist, Social, Urban Rural and Resilience GP), Paula Restrepo Cadavid (Senior Economist,
Urban Rural and Resilience GP) and overall guidance from Ming Zhang (Practice Manager, Social,
Urban Rural and Resilience GP). The team would like to thank Javier Baez (Senior Economist, Poverty
and Equity GP) and Paolo Avner (Urban Economist, GFDRR) for their comments on an earlier draft.
The present research, including quantitative data collection was financed by the Global Facility for
Disaster Reduction and Recovery (TF0A4751). The team wants to thank INURED for their work in
collecting the data, the residents of Cap-Haïtien for their participation in the survey, and the
municipality of Cap-Haïtien for their support in the data collection.
The opinions, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do not reflect the views of the World
Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the Governments they represent.
ii
Contents
Acknowledgments............................................................................................................................................... i
Executive summary .......................................................................................................................................... iv
1 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... - 1 -
2 Exposure, vulnerability and resilience to floods and poverty ........................................................ - 4 -
3 Description of the data and of households in Cap-Haïtien ........................................................... - 6 -
3.1 Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS) .................................................................. - 6 -
3.2 Households in Cap-Haïtien ........................................................................................................ - 7 -
4 Exposure to floods in Cap-Haïtien ..................................................................................................- 10 -
5 Vulnerability of households to floods .............................................................................................- 15 -
5.1 Examining the effects of floods ...............................................................................................- 15 -
5.2 Estimating the impact of floods on household welfare .......................................................- 17 -
6 Resilience to floods ............................................................................................................................- 20 -
7 Conclusion ...........................................................................................................................................- 24 -
8 References ............................................................................................................................................- 26 -
9 Appendix ..............................................................................................................................................- 29 -
9.1 Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS) data .......................................................- 29 -
9.2 SWIFT Methodology .................................................................................................................- 31 -
9.3 Coping Strategies ........................................................................................................................- 34 -
Tables
Table 1: Description of household composition...................................................................................... - 8 -
Table 2: Activities of household head (in percent) .................................................................................. - 8 -
Table 3: Dwelling characteristics ................................................................................................................ - 9 -
Table 4: Description of household composition...................................................................................... - 9 -
iii
Table 5: Affected by a flood and most recent floods ............................................................................- 11 -
Table 6: Floods by Gender of household head ......................................................................................- 11 -
Table 7: Percent of households facing floods and number of floods, by dwelling types ................- 13 -
Table 8: Impacts on floods (% of households) ......................................................................................- 16 -
Table 9: Estimating the impact of floods on household consumption ..............................................- 18 -
Table 10: Household resilience and capacity to restore consumption/savings (% of households)- 22 -
Table 11: Household resilience and capacity to recover from losses (% of households) ................- 22 -
Table 12: Coping strategies and assistance ..............................................................................................- 23 -
Table A: Coping Strategies used ...............................................................................................................- 34 -
Figures
Figure 1: Poverty Rate in Cap-Haïtien ...................................................................................................... - 7 -
Figure 2: Reduced consumption of food items (% of households) ....................................................- 24 -
Boxes
Box 4-1 Risk-induced vs. poverty-induced exposure to floods in the case of gender of household heads
and location of dwelling. ............................................................................................................................- 12 -
Box 4-2 Perception about reoccurrence of floods .................................................................................- 14 -
Box 4-3 Floods and migration of households .......................................................................................- 15 -
Box 6-1 Early Warning Systems and preparedness................................................................................- 21 -
iv
Executive summary
Nested in a bay, the Cap-Haïtien metropolitan area is home to a large river basin, is characterized by
rapid and uncontrolled urbanization, and fears devastating floods during the rainy season. Frequent
and severe natural disasters can potentially increase Cap-Haïtien households’ vulnerability to falling
into poverty traps. Several characteristics of poor households explain this phenomenon: among other
characteristics, the risky nature of their livelihoods (mostly informal activities) and the fragility of their
dwellings expose poor households to significant risk of natural disasters. Furthermore, when these
disasters occur, poor households have limited assets and limited access to social protection and/or
early-warning systems to effectively prepare for, cope with and recover from shocks. As a result,
natural disasters often have a disproportionate effect on the well-being of poor households leaving
them vulnerable to poverty traps.
Using data from a comprehensive survey, the Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS)
collected between October and November 2018, the present report intends to describe the nature of
floods in Cap-Haïtien and their association with poverty. This rich dataset allows us to examine this
relationship through the lens of exposure – the extent to which poor households are affected by
floods; vulnerability – the extent of the effect of floods on poor households; and resilience – the ability
of poor households to effectively prepare for, cope with and recover from floods. By examining the
exposure, vulnerability and resilience of poor households to floods, we provide insights into the
poverty-vulnerability nexus in the context of natural disasters. In a country such as Haiti where natural
disasters are frequent, such insights are useful for informing DRM and poverty reduction strategies.
In this analysis we find that floods create important disruptions in households’ lives with interruptions
in their children’s school and destructions to roads and paths. Poor households and households living
in high-risk areas appear to suffer more from floods than the average population of Cap-Haïtien. In
addition, households affected by floods experience a decrease in consumption per capita by 12 percent
although this effect is statistically insignificant. Households have very little resilience with nearly half
of the households affected by a flood reporting not being able to restore their consumption to pre-
flood levels. To cope with a flood, two out of three households use their savings while worryingly
reductions in the consumption of food items is another common coping mechanism, particularly
among poor households.
- 1 -
1 Introduction
Nested in a bay, the Cap-Haïtien, Haiti second largest city, is home to a large river basin
characterized by rapid and uncontrolled urbanization and fears devastating floods during the
rainy season. The Cap-Haïtien metropolitan area is crossed by the Haut du Cap-River and
characterized by a wide hydrological system that gathers in the Bassin Rhodo, a large estuarine water
basin. Since the 1980s, people have illegally settled along ecologically-sensitive river banks due to the
general lack of housing opportunities in Cap-Haïtien. Residents settle in areas deemed unsafe, but
within proximity to job opportunities in the city center, schools, the municipal market, and other
services. Furthermore, high rates of sedimentation downstream in the drainage canals, a lack of solid
waste management system, and uncontrolled settlements in or nearby ravines and low-lying areas,
have reduced the retention capacity of watersheds in time of heavy rainfall increasing the vulnerability
to floods.
In Haiti, frequent and severe adverse natural events affect negatively households, and even
more the poorest. In 2012, nearly 75 percent of households and 95 percent of the extremely poor
households were economically impacted by at least one shock in 2012 (World Bank & ONPES, 2014).
Haiti’s high vulnerability to natural disasters is perhaps best understood by comparing it with its
neighbors. Between 1980 and 2010, Haiti experienced 74 disasters resulting in 233,919 causalities
whereas the Dominican Republic with whom it shares the island of Hispaniola experienced 47
disasters which resulted in 1,486 casualties during the same period (World Bank & ONPES, 2014).
Floods are the most common weather-related natural disaster in Haiti. Between 1980 and 2010, Haiti
experienced more than twice as many floods than the Dominican Republic. This is largely attributable
to severe deforestation that has weakened and impoverished the land, construction of dwellings on
waterways among others. (World Bank & ONPES, 2014). In addition to the high risk of exposure to
floods, most households in Haiti have low level of resilience- often relying on their savings to cope
with shocks; exposing them to being vulnerable to poverty.
In Cap-Haïtien, high structural vulnerability of infrastructure and high exposure to floods,
increasing households’ vulnerability to falling into poverty traps. Built-up areas are particularly
exposed; they are disproportionately concentrated in high seismic hazard zones (60 percent), and
around half are at risk for flood events. Additionally, public infrastructure and housing are highly
vulnerable from a structural point of view and have been highly affected by recent disasters. For Cap-
- 2 -
Haïtien in particular, analysis of satellite imagery
1
suggests that about 72 percent of Cap-Haïtien’s
buildings in 2015 had been constructed on flood prone land.
2
Of the buildings located in areas highly
exposed to floods, 22 percent are located in neighborhoods that have been classified as irregular using
semi-automated methods for satellite imagery classification.
3
The combination of high hazard
exposure and high vulnerability of housing and other critical infrastructure puts the population at risk
of natural disasters. The aftermath of these disasters is often marked by a significant loss of lives and
destruction to property leaving households more vulnerable to poverty traps.
In this context, effective disaster risk management (DRM) policies are needed to lower
vulnerability to poverty. While the overall poverty headcount in 2012 was at 58.5 percent of the
population and the extreme poverty rate at 23.8 percent, more than eighty percent of the population
is vulnerable to falling into poverty or staying into poverty. DMR policies and interventions can be
designed to lower households’ vulnerability to poverty through preparedness and early-warning
systems (EWS) and through strengthening households’ capacity to mitigate the impact of these
disasters when they occur. The formation of these policies must be informed by evidence on the
impacts of shocks as well as existing shock mitigating strategies used by households and their
effectiveness.
The purpose of this report is to describe the nature of floods in Cap-Haïtien and its
relationship with poverty. We examine this relationship through the lens of exposure, vulnerability
and resilience of households (particularly the poor) to floods using recently collected household survey
data. In terms of exposure, we describe the profile of households affected by floods and provide
insights into the factors which influence their likelihood of being affected by floods. With respect to
vulnerability, we estimate the impact of floods on household welfare – in particular household
consumption levels. Finally, we examine the resilience of households to floods by assessing the
strategies used by households to prepare for and/or cope with floods when they occur. By considering
exposure, vulnerability and resilience of households to floods, we provide insights into the extent to
which negative effects of floods (high vulnerability) is risk-induced (meaning high exposure to
1
Haiti Urbanization Review, World Bank 2018.
2 For this calculation the city of Cap-Haïtien consists of 4 sections: Bande du Nord, Haut du Cap, Petite Anse, and Basee
Plaine.
3 This ‘irregular’ label can be considered a proxy for relatively lower income neighborhoods and from a remote
sensing/technical perspective means the area is characterized by small, un-organized buildings.
- 3 -
uninsured risk of facing floods by virtue of location, livelihoods of households, among others) or
poverty-induced (meaning low resilience due to limited capacity/resources to invest in effective
mitigating and/or coping strategies). This distinction is particularly important for identifying
appropriate policies to lower households’ vulnerability. For instance, to mitigate poverty-induced
vulnerability, policies to encourage investments in physical and human capital such as cash transfers
and provision of essential services are likely to be more effective. On the other hand, insurance
schemes will be more appropriate for lowering risk-induced vulnerability (Skoufias, Kawasoe, Strobl,
& Acosta, 2019).
The report uses recent data from a Climate Related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS) of
households in Cap-Haïtien. The survey conducted from October to November 2018 was designed
to collect comprehensive data on the risk and exposure of households in Cap-Haïtien to floods as well
as strategies used to prepare for and/or cope with floods, households’ access to EWS. Poverty
estimates for households were computed using the Survey of Wellbeing via Instant and Frequent
Tracking (SWIFT) methodology and other household characteristics such as type of dwelling,
demographics, economic activities and ownership of assets were also collected. It is important to
highlight that since the data is a single cross-section and since the incidence of floods was self-
reported, causal inference on the effect floods cannot be established. The results in our analysis are
interpreted as correlations to highlight the association between floods and poverty in Cap-Haïtien.
Natural disasters particularly floods are a major source of vulnerability to poverty for
households in Cap-Haïtien. Affected households experience interruptions in basic services (such
as water, electricity and schools) and business/work, as well as destruction of infrastructure and assets.
It is estimated that households affected by floods experience a 12 percent decrease in per capita
consumption. However, this effect is statistically insignificant. In high-risk areas where households
face a significant risk of exposure to frequent floods, the effect of floods on household welfare is
similar in both magnitude and statistical significance. The negative effects of floods on the welfare of
these households appears to be largely driven by their high risk of exposure to frequent floods and
low capacity to adequately prepare for or effectively cope with floods when they occur. Most
households resort to using their savings which is often insufficient to mitigate the effects of floods
thereby exposing them to the risk of being trapped in poverty.
The report is structured as follows, we begin with a brief literature review of the nexus between
exposure, vulnerability and resilience to natural disasters, and poverty. In section 3, we describe the
- 4 -
data beginning with the socio-economic characteristics of households in Cap-Haïtien including their
demographics, nature of their dwellings, economic activities. In section 4, we examine the exposure
of households to floods by describing the profiles of affected households. Section 5 examines the
vulnerability of households to floods by using simple regressions to estimate the effects of floods on
household welfare and the heterogeneity of the impact across households. In section 6, we examine
households’ resilience to floods by describing the strategies used to prepare for and cope with floods.
The concluding section focuses on implications of the results.
2 Exposure, vulnerability and resilience to floods and poverty
Earlier empirical evidence indicates that the occurrence of natural disasters such as floods,
droughts, and other extreme weather events is a major constraint to households’ ability to
escape poverty. For instance, droughts and rainfall shortages in Nicaragua increased households’
probability of remaining in the bottom of the income distribution by 10 percent (Premand & Vakis,
2010). Similarly, in Peru, exposure to natural disasters is associated with a 2.3 to 4.8 likelihood of
remaining in poverty (López-Calva & Ortiz-Juárez, 2009); and one standard deviation increase in the
number of natural disasters increases poverty rates by 1 percent (Glave, Fort, & Rosemberg, 2008).
Similar results were also found in El Salvador (Baez & Santos, 2008); in Honduras (Morris, et al.,
2002); in Guatemala (Tesliuc & Lindert, 2002) among others. These studies illustrate the extent to
which shocks (including natural disasters) may widen inequality gaps by trapping poor households in
poverty; or pulling back into poverty households who have managed to escape. Therefore, the inability
of poor households to effectively deal with natural disasters leaving them vulnerable to large negative
effects on their welfare is often a central feature of their poverty status.
Poor households are often disproportionately more exposed, highly vulnerable and less
resilient to natural disasters. Exposure, vulnerability and resilience are common themes in the
literature on natural disasters. By exposure, studies identify and/or profile households who are likely
to be affected by natural disasters. The analysis of the vulnerability of households typically involves
measuring the effect of disasters on household welfare
4
. Resilience, especially socio-economic
4
Gallardo (2018), Skoufias, Kawasoe, Strobl, & Acosta (2019) among other studies have discussed at length ex-ante versus
ex-poste measures of well-being vis-à-vis natural disasters. To illustrate this distinction, ex-poste analysis of natural
disasters such as using poverty as an outcome reports the extent to which disasters has affected household welfare by
decreasing consumption or per capita expenditure to ‘below-poverty-line’ levels resulting in the household being poor. An
- 5 -
resilience, examines the ability of households to adequately cope with and recover from disasters
(Hallegatte, Vogt-Schilb, Bangalore, & Rozenberg, 2016). Several studies highlight the overexposure,
high vulnerability and low resilience of poor households to natural disasters and provide several
explanations for this phenomenon. Poor households’ livelihoods (which in rural areas is mostly
agriculture-related) and the state of their insurance and credit markets (which is often
missing/incomplete), expose them to significant uninsured disaster risks (Dercon, 2004). Additionally,
in terms of geographic location, poor households are also more likely to settle in areas where despite
the attractions of economic opportunities, public services, and social services, the risk of natural
hazards is high (Hallegatte, 2012; Loayza, Olaberria, Rigolini, & Christiaensen, 2012; Patankar, 2015).
Furthermore, given their low capacity (stock of assets and human capital) and low-quality assets (such
as fragile dwellings), these households are often unable to effectively cope with and/or recover from
the negative effects of natural disasters (Akter & Mallick, 2013; Jalan & Ravallion, 1999). Empirical
evidence on the vulnerability of households to natural disasters report large negative effects of such
events on the welfare (consumption, income, assets, health, human capital) of affected households-
majority of whom are often the poorest households (Jacoby & Skoufias, 1997; Dercon & Krishnan,
2000; Skoufias & Quisumbing, 2005).
In line with this research, recent research has described high vulnerability depending if it is
risk-induced or poverty-induced. Risk-induced vulnerability implies that households face a high
uninsured risk of exposure to natural disasters and as such may remain or fall back into poverty in the
future (Skoufias, Kawasoe, Strobl, & Acosta, 2019). Similarly, poverty-induced vulnerability occurs
when households lack the capacity to cope with the negative effects of natural disasters and hence
remain poor when affected by disasters (Skoufias, Kawasoe, Strobl, & Acosta, 2019). Understanding
this distinction with respect to household vulnerability is useful for designing appropriate policies. For
instance, for households facing risk-induced vulnerability, providing insurance may be a more effective
policy whereas cash transfers and other programs which promote investments in productive assets
and/or human capital will be more effective to lower poverty-induced vulnerability (Skoufias,
Kawasoe, Strobl, & Acosta, 2019).
ex-ante analysis of vulnerability to poverty on the other hand consists of defining the expected level of well-being and the
risk of falling into poverty due to a deviation from their current level of well-being caused by the occurrence of a natural
disaster. (Gallardo, 2018) provides a recent and detailed survey of various techniques used in the literature to identify
vulnerability.
- 6 -
The negative effects of natural disasters on household welfare often linger on into the future
making households vulnerable to falling deeper or slipping back into poverty. Limitations in
their capacity to adequately prepare for and/or cope with the effect of shocks imply that poor
households take longer to recover or restore their welfare to pre-shock levels. Furthermore, the types
of strategies adopted by these households such as depleting their assets, savings, or stock of human
capital to mitigate the impacts of shocks also have significant implications on their future welfare.
Access to social protection programs and/or DRM strategies including EWS is often limited and
biased against poor households (Gentle, Thwaites, Race, & Alexander, 2014; Akter & Mallick, 2013;
Hallegatte, Vogt-Schilb, Bangalore, & Rozenberg, 2016). As a result, affected households (particularly
the poor) often resort to using negative coping strategies and/or reactive adaptation measures (such
as evacuation) rather than proactive adaptation measures (such as building dykes) which are generally
more effective (Francisco, Predo, Manasboonphempool, Tran, & Jarungrattanapong, 2011).
Empirical studies on the effect of the use of these coping strategies such as selling productive assets
(Deaton, 1992; Dercon, 2002); using savings (Paxson, 1992); investing in low-risk, low-return crop
choices and asset portfolios (Rosenzweig & Binswanger, 1993); and increasing labor supply by
removing their children from school (Jacoby & Skoufias, 1997; Kochar, 1999; Morduch, 1995) indicate
that they are not only insufficient but also increase the likelihood of poverty traps in the medium and
long terms (Dasgupta, 1993; Dercon, 1996; Dercon, 2004).
With little empirical evidence on the extent of exposure, vulnerability and resilience of households to
floods in Haiti, this report aims explore the relationship between floods and household welfare in
Cap-Haïtien through the lens of exposure, vulnerability and resilience. Despite limitations in the data,
we attempt to provide insights into the extent to which exposure, vulnerability and resilience to floods
are driven by uninsured risk (using data from risk maps) and/or poverty.
3 Description of the data and of households in Cap-Haïtien
3.1 Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS)
Data used in this report was obtained from the Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey
(CRPS) in the metropolitan area of Cap-Haïtien survey. The survey was designed to collect
information on socioeconomic conditions of households (family composition, education, dwellings),
climate-related risks (mostly floods), and cell phone uses. A representative sample of households in
the Cap-Haïtien metropolitan area was selected for the survey. Other domains of inference considered
- 7 -
in developing the sampling frame include: project area and high-risk areas. The project areas in Cap-
Haïtien refer to the areas benefiting from the Municipal Development and Urban Resilience (MDUR,
P155201) project while the high-risk areas are identified based on hazard maps and refer to areas with
‘moderate to high/strong’ and ‘strong to very strong’ risks of floods.
5
The survey combined SWIFT
modules computed by the Poverty Global Practice of the World Bank with a module on frequent
climate-related risks created by Global Facility for Disaster Reduction and Recovery (GFDRR). This
questionnaire covered extensive details on EWS with questions on knowledge of and access to the
different forms of EWS, level of awareness, means of accessing or source and effectiveness of early-
warning systems. Other details about floods including household level preparedness strategies, impact,
coping strategies and recovery are also extensively covered in the questionnaire.
3.2 Households in Cap-Haïtien
Poverty affects 3 out of 10 individuals in Cap-Haïtien with poor households being larger in
size, have a higher dependency ratio and more likely to be female headed. Using the resulting
per capita consumption aggregate and the national poverty line from 2012, one can estimate poverty
in Cap-Haïtien in 2018
6
. Poverty in Cap-Haïtien is estimated at 31 percent with a slightly lower rate in
high-risk area at 25 percent (Figure 1). The average household size of poor households in Cap-Haïtien
is 6 members which is significantly greater than the size of non-poor households. Poor households
also have significantly higher dependency ratios – 0.89 compared to 0.43 in non-poor households.
Furthermore, half of poor households are female headed.
Figure 1: Poverty Rate in Cap-Haïtien
5
Details about the survey including the sampling technique and household selection for the survey are provided in the
Appendix 9.1.
6
Details about the SWIFT methodology used to estimate poverty are presented in Appendix 9.2
31%
25%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
Cap Haïtien High Risk Area
- 8 -
Source: authors’ estimates with CRPS 2018
Table 1: Description of household composition
Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor households
Female household head (percent) 46 (0.50) 46 (0.50) 50 (0.50)
Household Size 3.81 (1.98) 3.87 (2.02) 5.81 (1.54)
Number of children (less than 5 years old) 0.28 (0.52) 0.25 (0.52) 0.54 (0.68)
Number of adults (more than 18 years old) 2.52 (1.31) 2.56 (1.33) 3.10 (1.28)
Average age of household members 29.43 (12.56) 30.58 (13.51) 23.00(7.68)
Age of household head 40 (13.8) 42 (14.5) 42 (15. 75)
Dependency Ratio (%) 52% (0.73) 53% (0.79) 89% (1)
Notes: Dependency ratio is calculated as (number of household members less than 15 years of age + number of household members over 64
years of age)/ number of household members between 15 and 64 years. Standard deviations in parenthesis.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Majority of household heads in Cap-Haïtien (particularly the poor) work in small businesses.
In Cap-Haïtien, over 70 percent of household heads work in businesses, including small family
businesses (Table 2). Only about 4 percent of household heads work in public enterprises, less than 10
percent work in private enterprises and about 6 percent work in public-private enterprises. Given that
small business appears to be the main source of livelihoods for households in Cap-Haïtien- particularly
the poor, exposure to natural disasters such as floods is likely to affect their welfare. The occurrence
of floods for instance may halt of business activities and/or damage goods and businesses. The
immediate and aftermath effects of such events on the welfare of affected households are likely to be
large and negative – particularly when they have low capacity of coping with shocks.
Table 2: Activities of household head (in percent)
Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor households
Public enterprise/administration 3.58 (0.19) 4.40 (0.21) -
Parapublic enterprise 5.55 (0.23) 4.71 (0.21) 12.5 (0.33)
Private enterprise 9.52 (0.29) 12.21 (0.33) 3.54 (0.18)
Business/family business 72.93 (0.44) 70.25 (0.46) 73.37 (0.44)
Associative enterprise/cooperatives 2.3 (0.15) 1.84 (0.13) -
Household chores 1.2 (0.11) 2.17 (0.15) -
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Most households in Cap-Haïtien live in single-level buildings with a floor made of
cement/concrete/marble. Nearly 72 percent of households in Cap-Haïtien live in single level
buildings, 25 percent live in multi-level buildings; and 2 percent live in houses made of debris (slum-
type houses). About 17 percent of households live in houses built on waste- majority of which (33
percent) are slum-type dwellings (Table 3). More poor households live in single-level buildings (86
percent), on compacted waste (27 percent) and in slums (3 percent). Their houses are less likely to
- 9 -
have roofs made of cement/concrete; or floors made of cement/ceramic/marble. These attributes of
the dwellings of households in Cap-Haïtien indicate that the quality of houses (particularly the poor)
are likely to be low and fragile. Single-level buildings and houses built on compacted waste are more
likely to be inundated in the event of a flooding. Furthermore, these buildings (particularly those
without cemented floors and/or roofs) are likely to be more fragile and less likely to withstand the
impact of floods.
Table 3: Dwelling characteristics
Variable Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor households
Number of bedrooms 2.16 (1.68) 2.27 (2.04) 1.75 (0.77)
Floor in cement/ceramic/marble 93% (0.25) 90% (0.3) 83% (0.37)
Roof in cement/Concrete 48% (0.5) 55% (0.5) 29% (0.45)
Slum-type Building 2% (0.15) 3% (0.17) 3% (0.17)
Single-Level Building 72% (0.45) 60% (0.49) 86% (0.34)
Multi-level Building 25% (0.43) 34% (0.48) 9% (0.28)
Building built on compacted waste 17% (0.37) 18% (0.39) 27% (0.45)
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Households mainly own small assets and half of them have savings. More than half of
households in Cap-Haïtien (53 percent) have savings of some kind. Less than half (49 percent) of poor
households have savings. Most households own small assets such as charcoal stove/cooker, cell phone
and radio. Poor households own fewer and less valuable assets. The use of assets and/or savings to
cope with shocks is widely documented in the empirical literature as highlighted in the previous
section. For households in Cap-Haïtien (particularly among the poor), the composition of their asset
portfolios as shown in Table 4 below imply that such strategies are less likely to be effective exposing
households to poverty-induced vulnerability.
Table 4: Description of household composition (in percent)
Variable Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor households
HH Has Savings 53 (0.5) 55 (0.5) 49 (0.5)
Cooking Related Assets
Electric/Gas Oven 7 (0.25) 8 (0.28) -
Gas Stove 12 (0.33) 15 (0.36) 2 (0.14)
Charcoal Stove/Cooker 98 (0.15) 97 (0.17) 97 (0.17)
Electric Stove 6 (0.23) 7 (0.25) -
Communication Related Assets
Radio 65 (0.48) 63 (0.48) 36 (0.48)
Stereo 15 (0.36) 22 (0.41) 4 (0.19)
Cellular Phone 91 (0.29) 87 (0.33) 78 (0.41)
- 10 -
Television 57 (0.5) 61 (0.49) 29 (0.45)
Computer 11 (0.32) 12 (0.32) -
Internet Access 4 (0.2) 5 (0.21) -
Transport Related Assets
Bicycle 11 (0.32) 12 (0.33) 6 (0.24)
Motorcycle 20 (0.4) 17 (0.38) 30 (0.46)
Car 5 (0.22) 6 (0.25) -
Energy Related Assets
Generator 9 (0.29) 11 (0.31) -
Inverter/Accumulator/batterie 7 (0.26) 10 (0.29) 1 (0.08)
Solar Panel 17 (0.38) 15 (0.36) 15 (0.36)
Sewing machine 8 (0.28) 9 (0.29) 1 (0.07)
Fan 38 (0.48) 36 (0.48) 7 (0.26)
refrigerator/freezer 29 (0.45) 30 (0.46) 6 (0.23)
Other 1 (0.08) 1 (0.1) -
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
4 Exposure to floods in Cap-Haïtien
In this section we examine the exposure of households in Cap-Haïtien to floods by describing the
attributes of households who were affected by floods (including the number of times they were
affected) between 2015 and 2018. We consider attributes such as households’ risk of exposure to
floods, the quality and characteristics of their dwellings, poverty, etc. to highlight the extent to which
exposure to floods is risk-induced and/or poverty-induced. Based on these attributes, we provide
insights into the nature of floods in Cap-Haïtien and describe households who are likely to be affected.
Most households, particularly the poor and those in high-risk areas, were affected by a flood
in the last 3 years, mainly the 2017 one. Half of the households were affected by a flood with as
many as 77 percent of households who live closer to the Bassin Rhodo being affected (Table 5).
Furthermore, 65 percent of poor households were affected by floods and experienced an average of
4.5 floods between 2015 and 2018. High-risk areas faced similar rates of exposure to floods during
the period. Households affected by floods report an average of four incidences of floods during this
period. Between 2015 and 2018, the highest incidence of floods occurred in 2017 when 68 percent of
households were affected by floods at least once. While disentangling the extent to which such high
exposure is risk- or poverty-induced may be complex it can be observed that floods are slightly more
common among poor households and among households living in high-risk areas, both in terms of
the percentage of affected households and frequency, than the city average. One interpretation of this
- 11 -
observation is that poor households are more likely to live in low quality single-level dwellings which
are fragile and more likely to be damaged in the event of a flood.
Table 5: Affected by a flood and most recent floods
Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor households
Household affected by a flood (in percent) 58 (0.49) 63 (0.48) 65 (0.48)
Most recent flood was in 2015 1 (0.11) 2 (0.14) -
Most recent flood was in 2016 13 (0.33) 10 (0.31) 6 (0.23)
Most recent flood was in 2017 68 (0.47) 71 (0.46) 74 (0.44)
Most recent flood was in 2018 18 (0.38) 17 (0.38) 20 (0.40)
Numbers of floods 3.57 (2.73) 3.90 (3.05) 4.46 (3.12)
Notes: The most recent flood is only for households who were affected by a flood. Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
More female-headed households have been affected by at least one flood even, but male-
headed households experience floods more frequently. In 2018, on average 61 percent of female-
headed households in Cap-Haïtien experienced floods at least once between 2015 and 2018 compared
to 54 percent of male-headed households (Table 6). However, male-headed households experienced
more flood events on average than female-headed households, nearly 4 flood events compared to 3
flood events with the difference being statistically significant.
Table 6: Floods by Gender of household head
Variable Male Headed Female Headed
Household affected by floods 54% (0.50) 62% (0.49)
Number of floods in previous 3 years 3.83 (2.87) 3.32 (2.55)
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
- 12 -
Floods are more frequent among households living in slum-type houses and houses built on
compacted waste. Although overall, the prevalence of floods is higher among households living in
single-level buildings, the frequency of floods among these households is lower relative to households
living in other building types, particularly slum-type dwellings (Table 7). However, on average,
households living in slum-type dwellings experienced floods 8 times compared to 3 times for
households in single-level buildings and 4 times for households in multi-level buildings. Households
living in slum-type dwellings appear to have moved into their current dwellings recently (4 years ago
on average). Similarly, 78 percent of households living on compacted waste experienced floods and
have experienced an average of 4 floods between 2015 and 2018. Differences in the incidence of
floods across households based on dwelling characteristics (particularly floor materials) illustrate the
risk of exposure to floods faced by households with fragile dwellings. Households whose floors are
Box 4-1 Risk-induced vs. poverty-induced exposure to floods in the case of gender of
household heads and location of dwelling.
The high prevalence of floods among female-headed households appears to be more poverty than
risk-induced. By comparing the extent to which households are exposed to risk of floods (based on
whether they live in high-risk areas or not) and their likelihood of living in fragile dwellings (based on their
poverty rates), we can draw some insights into the extent to which exposure to floods is risk-induced or
poverty driven. For instance, compared to male-headed households female-headed households have a
higher poverty rate (24 percent compared to 13 percent) although female-headed households are less likely
to live in high-risk areas (54 percent versus 58 percent) (see table below). We have seen previously that poor
households are more likely to live in single-level buildings with fragile materials which are unable to
withstand heavy downpours. As such, the high exposure of female-headed households to floods is likely
driven by their poverty and less likely by their exposure to risk of floods.
Households who live on compacted waste on the other hand face both risk and poverty induced
exposure to floods. Households living on compacted waste on the other hand have both higher rates of
poverty and face higher risk of exposure to floods. Sixty percent of households who live in dwellings built
on compacted waste are also classified as living in high-risk areas. Furthermore, 33 percent of these
households are poor and thus likely to live in dwellings less suited for the high risk of floods they face.
Therefore, the exposure of these households to floods is likely to be induced by both the high risk they face
as well as their poverty.
HH Head Gender Dwelling Built on Compacted Waste
Male Female Yes No
Poor 13% 24% 33% 20%
High Risk Area 58% 54% 60% 50%
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
- 13 -
made of modern materials such as cement or marbles are more likely to be able to withstand heavy
rainfall without being inundated than households whose floors are made of clay and other materials.
The high prevalence and frequency of floods among households living in slum-type dwelling built on
compacted waste is a cause for concern since they are likely to be less resilient to floods with the
frequency of floods further weakening their capacity to cope and/or mitigate the impact of floods.
Table 7: Percent of households facing floods and number of floods, by dwelling types
Incidence of Floods (%) Frequency of Floods
Building Type
Slum-type houses 50 (0.50) 8 (7.73)
Single-level building 60 (0.49) 3 (2.28)
Multi-level building 51 (0.50) 4 (2.71)
Dwelling Built on Compacted Waste
Yes 79 (0.41) 4 (2.76)
No 44 (0.50) 3 (2.82)
Dwelling Floor Material
Modern materials (cement, marble, etc) 56 (0.50) 3 (2.40)
Non-cement materials 84 (0.37) 4 (4.71)
Roof Material
Cement/Concrete Roofs 58 (0.49) 4 (2.97)
Non-cement roofs 57 (0.50) 3 (2.44)
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
- 14 -
Box 4-2 Perception about reoccurrence of floods
Perceptions about the reoccurrence of recent natural disasters are high- particularly among
households repeatedly affected by floods and poor households. Based on a ranking between 0 and 10
(where 0 implies it is impossible for a natural disaster to reoccur and 10 implies it is possible for a given
disaster to reoccur) the average households’ perception about the reoccurrence of each of the three most
recent natural disasters is 7. Across the three disasters which occurred between 2015 and 2017, the 2016
floods and 2017 hurricane Irma had slightly higher perception of reoccurrence. Some degree of
heterogeneity in perceptions about floods can also be observed across households. For instance, poor
households have higher perceptions that natural disasters (particularly the 2017 hurricane Irma) may
reoccur. Households living in high-risk areas on the other hand have slightly lower perceptions about the
reoccurrence of natural disasters.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
- 15 -
5 Vulnerability of households to floods
In this section, we discuss the vulnerability of households to floods by examining the effect of floods
on household welfare. We do this in two ways: we begin by describing the effects of floods on
households including damages to their assets and livelihoods based on self-reported responses. In the
second part, we estimate the effect of floods on household welfare using household consumption per
capita. In both parts, we identify vulnerable households based on the extent of the effects of floods
on households’ assets, livelihood and welfare.
5.1 Examining the effects of floods
Interruption of schools and destruction to roads and paths are the most common negative
effects from floods reported by households. Floods affect almost all aspects of the daily life of the
inhabitants of Cap-Haïtien. Floods cause interruptions in schools and economic activities, damage
roads, homes and assets, and affect supply of basic services-water, electricity and food. The effects on
schools and roads are most common: respectively, 62 percent and 57 percent of households affected
Box 4-3 Floods and migration of households
Exposure to floods is highest among households who migrated from other departments-
particularly those from rural areas. Majority of households who migrated from other departments in
rural Haiti experienced at least one flood and an average of nine flood events over the three-year period.
Similarly, nearly 70 percent of households who migrated from other departments in urban Haiti were also
affected by floods albeit less frequently- an average of four flood events. Majority of these households,
migrating from rural and urban areas live in high-risk areas.
The share of households living in high-risk areas is higher among households who have lived in
their current houses for over 20 years than those who have lived in their house for less than five
years, yet the incidence of floods is higher among the latter. More than 60 percent of households who
have lived in their current dwellings for more than 20 years live in high-risk areas. However, only 46 percent
of these households experienced floods in the previous three years- albeit more frequently- an average of
four flood events. On the other hand, more than half of households who have moved into their current
houses within the previous five years do not live in high-risk areas, yet they faced a higher incidence of
floods. Within the previous three years, floods affected 63 percent of these households. Ordinarily, the
observation that living in high-risk areas is less common among households who have recently moved into
their houses may ease efforts to reduce the vulnerability to of households to future floods. However, since
floods appear to be less common among households who have lived in high-risk areas for as long as 20
years and more common among recent dwellers, it is worth examining possible changes in the riskiness of
these areas overtime.
- 16 -
by floods in Cap-Haïtien indicate interruptions in their kids’ school and destructions to roads and
paths as the main impact of floods (Table 8). Interruptions in business/work are also common; 49
percent of households who experienced floods also experienced interruptions in their work or
business. Nearly 35 percent of households affected by floods also report damage to their home and
assets and more than 25 percent report loss of important documents. Interruptions in basic services
are also experienced by affected households with 37 percent of households having trouble accessing
water after a flood and 40 percent facing constraints in accessing electricity. Given than most
households rely on their businesses as a source of livelihood, damage to roads and paths is likely to
significantly affect business activity thereby affecting the welfare of households.
Table 8: Impacts on floods (percent of households)
Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor HH
Damage to Home 37 (0.48) 35 (0.48) 43 (0.50)
Lost Assets 35 (0.48) 43 (0.50) 39 (0.49)
Trouble Accessing food 23 (0.42) 26 (0.44) 31 (0.46)
Trouble Accessing Kerosene/charcoal 23 (0.42) 25 (0.44) 33 (0.47)
Lost important documents 23 (0.42) 26 (0.44) 19 (0.39)
Interruptions in Water Service 37 (0.48) 44 (0.50) 46 (0.50)
Damaged Sanitation services 21 (0.40) 21 (0.41) 20 (0.40)
Lost electricity 40 (0.49) 48 (0.50) 32 (0.47)
Business/work affected 49 (0.50) 50 (0.50) 52 (0.50)
HH member became sick 36 (0.48) 41 (0.49) 50 (0.50)
Interruptions in kids' school 62 (0.48) 66 (0.47) 78 (0.41)
Roads/paths destroyed 57 (0.49) 50 (0.50) 63 (0.48)
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Overall, the effect of floods on poor households and households living in high-risk areas
appears to be more severe making them most vulnerable. Compared to non-poor households,
poor households lose more because of floods. Apart from loss of important documents, access to
electricity and sanitation services, all other effects of floods are more common among poor
households. More poor households report damage to their homes and assets, and interruptions in
their business/work and schools of their children than non-poor households. Similarly, the effects of
floods also appear to be quite severe among households in high-risk areas. Effects of floods such as
loss of assets, damaged sanitation services, and interruptions in schools, electricity and water supply
are most common among households in high-risk areas. The fact that these effects of floods are most
common among poor and high-risk households (who are more likely to live in slum-type dwellings
- 17 -
and on dwellings built on compacted waste; and whose main livelihood is business) has significant
implications on poverty eradication and highlight the need for effective social protection policies.
Home destruction and loss of assets due to floods are most common among households living
in slum-type dwellings. The occurrence of floods resulted in the destruction of their houses for 72
percent of affected households living in slums. Comparatively, less than 40 percent of affected
households in single-level and multi-level buildings reported destruction to their homes. Similarly, 67
percent of households affected by floods who live in slum-type dwellings lost assets compared to 33
percent of affected households who live in single-level buildings and 38 percent of those who live in
multi-level buildings. Other effects of floods which are more common among households living in
slum-type dwellings include: difficulty accessing kerosene/charcoal, loss of important documents,
damaged sanitation services and sickness of household member. Interruptions in water services,
electricity, business/work, schools and destruction of roads or paths are more common among
households living in single and multi-level buildings. These differences in the effects of floods on
households further illustrate the vulnerability of poor households (most of whom live in slum-type
dwellings) to natural disasters. The fragile nature of their dwellings makes them more vulnerable to
large negative effects of floods- including damage to their dwellings and assets. Their exposure to
floods and its effects such as destruction to their houses and assets further lower their capacity to
mitigate the impact of such shocks and their ability to escape poverty.
5.2 Estimating the impact of floods on household welfare
Floods have multidimensional effects on households’ welfare. As shown in Table 8, floods have
an effect on household dwellings, assets, work/business, health, access to basic services and other
goods affecting the lives and livelihood of households in Cap-Haïtien. To estimate the impact of
floods on the welfare of households in Cap-Haïtien, we examine the extent to which the incidence of
floods affects household consumption per capita as follows:
ln(�
�)=������
��+�������
�+������
�
where �
� is an indicator of household welfare measured using household consumption per capita of
household �; ������
� is the vector of household characteristics such as demographics, assets, education
level and employment of household head; ������
� is an indicator of the incidence of floods - i.e a binary
variable which takes a value of one for households affected by floods in the previous three years and
zero otherwise; and ������
� is the error term. Our main parameter of interest in this specification is �. The
- 18 -
extent to which shocks affect the welfare of households in Cap-Haïtien can be examined by assessing
whether � is significantly different from zero.
Table 9: Estimating the impact of floods on household consumption
VARIABLES Basic model (1) Model for high-risk
areas (2)
Incidence of Flood (=1) -0.124 (0.0893) -0.128 (0.0952)
Number of floods in previous 3yrs 0.0133 (0.0118) 0.00563 (0.0147)
High risk Area (=1) -0.0274 (0.0608) -
Project Area (=1) 0.0815 (0.0524) 0.102* (0.0563)
Household received aid following flood -0.208* (0.121) 0.00264 (0.107)
HH coping strategies (base category= No strategy)
Household level strategies 0.0703 (0.0662) 0.0899 (0.0787)
External support- family/friends/govt 0.0670 (0.134) -0.134 (0.148)
HH Level characteristics
Household size -0.179*** (0.0168) -0.163*** (0.0150)
Household dependency ratio -0.0775** (0.0344) -0.0211 (0.0347)
Female Headed HH 0.0713 (0.0685) -0.0147 (0.0549)
Age of Household head 0.0262* (0.0140) 0.0239* (0.0130)
Squared of age of HH head -0.000226 (0.000157) -0.000227 (0.000146)
HH Head Level of education (Base category= None)
Incomplete Primary 0.149 (0.262) 0.394 (0.244)
Complete Primary and Incomplete Secondary 1 0.190 (0.260) 0.409* (0.245)
Complete Secondary1 and incomplete Secondary 2 0.328 (0.256) 0.447* (0.240)
Complete Secondary2 and Tertiary 0.509** (0.255) 0.635*** (0.245)
HH Head Activities (base category= Unemployed)
Public enterprise/administration 0.220 (0.197) 0.00397 (0.233)
Parastatal enterprise -0.145 (0.108) -0.236* (0.126)
Private enterprise 0.0856 (0.111) -0.134 (0.0963)
Business/family business 0.0354 (0.0731) -0.108* (0.0637)
Associative enterprise/Cooperatives etc. -0.340** (0.145) -0.483** (0.200)
Household work -0.0567 (0.165) -0.223** (0.111)
Household has savings (=1) 0.00459 (0.0606) 0.0837 (0.0569)
Assets
Cooking assets 0.172 (0.182) -0.236 (0.180)
Communication assets 0.461*** (0.0925) 0.447*** (0.122)
Transport assets 0.263*** (0.0701) 0.285*** (0.0648)
Energy-related assets 0.211*** (0.0589) 0.225*** (0.0585)
Other assets -0.00125 (0.0948) -0.0573 (0.0981)
Duration in dwelling (base category= Less than 5yrs)
5 to 10 years -0.0732 (0.0749) -0.0543 (0.0742)
11 to 20 years 0.0403 (0.0891) -0.00620 (0.0715)
More than 20 years 0.0547 (0.0974) 0.137 (0.0855)
Building Type (base category= Slum)
Single-level -0.351** (0.147) -0.146 (0.234)
Multi-level -0.285* (0.166) -0.0973 (0.242)
Others -0.407** (0.185) -0.0545 (0.278)
Source of electricity (=1 if connected to the grid) 0.129** (0.0613) 0.0338 (0.0584)
Source of water (=1 if DINEPA/Public Fountain) 0.0447 (0.0657) 0.0105 (0.0528)
Household built on compacted waste (=1) -0.149** (0.0723) -0.101 (0.0628)
- 19 -
Household floor made of cement/marble 0.122 (0.0924) 0.0957 (0.0985)
Household roof made of cement/concrete 0.0791 (0.0765) 0.143** (0.0643)
Constant 9.943*** (0.438) 10.07*** (0.435)
Observations 417 346
R-squared 0.657 0.576
Adj. R-squared 0.621 0.523
Robust standard errors in parentheses. *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1
Although a lower consumption per capita is associated with households affected households
in Cap-Haïtien, the effect is statistically insignificant. On average, consumption per capita of
households affected by floods in Cap-Haïtien decreases by 12 percent. In high-risk areas, a similar
effect (in both magnitude and statistical significance) is observed. A few caveats in the data may offer
some explanation for the statistically insignificant negative effect of floods on the welfare of
households in Cap-Haïtien.
Firstly, there is a gap of over a year between the timing of the occurrence of floods and the
implementation of the survey to collect data for welfare estimation. Most of the floods reported
by households occurred in 2017 (see Table 5), yet welfare was estimated based on data collected over
a year later- between October and November of 2018. Therefore, the observed statistically
insignificant effect of floods on household welfare may in part be because welfare levels of affected
households have improved at the time of the survey- perhaps because of post-disaster support.
Furthermore, Table 8 shows (albeit descriptively), that the effects of floods in Cap-Haïtien span
beyond typical measures of welfare but also include interruptions in basic services- water, road
network, schools etc.
Secondly, given that half of the population is affected by floods (Table 5), there is little
variation in consumption fluctuations due to floods to capture a statistically significant
negative effect. This means that even though consumption per capita decreases following a flood,
but because many households are affected by the floods and hence experience a fall in their
consumption levels, there is little variation in welfare of households across the city and hence a
negative but statistically insignificant effect is observed. Based on these factors, it is important not to
lose sight of the level of vulnerability faced by households in Cap-Haïtien to floods. In the absence of
adequate social protection and/or effective early warning systems, these households may be a flood
or two away from being falling deeper or being pushed back into poverty.
- 20 -
6 Resilience to floods
In this section, we describe households’ resilience to floods in two ways: first, we discuss the duration
it takes for households to recover from the effects of floods; and second, we explain observed speed
of recovery from the types of preparatory and coping strategies used ex-ante and/or ex-post by
households.
The resilience of households in Cap-Haïtien is low with nearly half of households affected by
floods being unable to restore their consumption to pre-flood levels. For a quarter of households
affected by floods it takes months and for another quarter weeks to restore their consumption levels
following the floods. In addition, more than half of these households were also unable to re-establish
their savings after being affected by floods. Among households who are unable to re-establish savings,
54 percent could not restore consumption levels to pre-flood levels. Although poor households and
those living in high-risk areas are most vulnerable to floods and have lower capacity to cope with the
impact of floods, their levels of resilience appear to be like non-poor households and those living in
low/medium risk areas. This is likely driven by the fact that these households, by their exposure and
low capacity are more likely to receive assistance (particularly post-disaster relief) as discussed earlier.
Female-headed households appear to be less resilient to the impact of floods in Cap-Haïtien.
More female-headed households who were affected by floods were unable to restore consumption
levels and savings to pre-flood level than male-headed households. Furthermore, for female-headed
households who were able to restore consumption levels, it takes them longer indicating their low
resilience; only 24 (29) percent of female-headed households restored consumption levels within
weeks (months) compared to 28 (19) percent of male-headed households. A similar trend is observed
in restoring savings.
- 21 -
Box 6-1 Early Warning Systems and preparedness
Early Warning Systems exist in Cap-Haïtien, but awareness remains low. Overall, only 40 percent
of households in Cap-Haïtien know about EWS. Among poor households and those living in high-risk
areas, awareness of EWS is slightly higher than the city average- 41 percent of poor households and 44
percent of households living in high-risk areas are aware of EWS. Of these households who are aware of
EWS, 85 percent received flood alerts and 59 percent received alerts in advance of a flood event- often
days in advance. Among poor households, receipt of floods alerts is higher: 87 percent of poor households
who are aware of EWS received flood alerts and 73 percent received alerts before a flood- mostly weeks
in advance. Most households (65 percent) who received alerts received it from other sources- mostly
radios, televisions, etc. To improve the targeting of alerts from EWS and strengthen resilience, other
sources of flood alerts such as Municipal Civil Protection Committees (CCPC), Associations and NGOs
can be reinforced- particularly among poor and high-risk households.
Most households in Cap-Haïtien respond to flood alerts by stocking food/water and protecting
important documents. Less than 30 percent of households who received flood alerts chose to evacuate.
Among poor households and those living in high-risk areas, it is much lower- 14 percent and 23 percent
respectively. Even though EWS alerts appear to be credible- all households who received a flood alert
experienced floods; most households- more than 90 percent; responded to flood alerts by protecting their
important documents and up to 48 percent choose to stock up food or water after receiving a flood alert.
Similar trends are also observed in high-risk areas- where 64 percent of households who received flood
alerts chose to stock water/food and 86 percent chose to protect important documents. Therefore, EWS
reforms must raise awareness, increase the accessibility of alerts and educate households about better
response/preparedness strategies.
Cap-Haïtien High Risk Poor
Knowledge of EWS 40.45 43.87 41.07
Reception of EWS* 84.81 84.82 87.42
Receive EWS before floods* 59.01 55.97 72.69
From who did they receive the alert
Communal Committee 20.6 28.32 18.83
Police 1.88 1.8 0
Associations/NGOs 12.84 11.52 3.43
Other 64.62 50.72 69.91
How far in advance did you receive alert
Hours 12.91 8.44 28.51
Days 41.26 46.46 26.01
Weeks 22.92 22.4 35.76
Don't Know/Not Sure 22.91 22.7 9.72
Response to Alert
Evacuate 28.79 23.27 13.61
Stored Food/water 48.07 64.18 21.64
Reinforced Structure 9.69 13.97 8.67
Cleaned up outside of house 21.47 27.67 3.37
Protected Important documents 90.78 86.92 92.03
Other 12.46 17.17 26.81
Note: Means calculated as the percent of people who know about EWS. Weights applied.
Source: authors’ estimates using CRPS 2018.
- 22 -
Table 10: Household resilience and capacity to restore consumption/savings (percent of
households)
Cap-Haïtien Poor High Risk
Duration it takes to restore consumption
Weeks 26 (0.44) 22 (0.41) 29 (0.45)
Months 24 (0.43) 29 (0.45) 26 (0.44)
Years 0.4 (0.06) 0.4 (0.06) 0.6 (0.08)
Did not recover 48 (0.50) 49 (0.50) 42 (0.49)
Ability to Re-establish Savings
Yes 31 (0.46) 28 (0.45) 33 (0.47)
No 54 (0.50) 59 (0.49) 51 (0.50)
Didn't have savings 15 (0.36) 13 (0.33) 16 (0.36)
Notes: Weights applied.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Resilience meaning households’ ability to recover from non-monetary losses of floods still
paints the same picture: the poor households in Cap-Haïtien are less resilient. In addition to
consumption and savings, households in Cap-Haïtien (particularly the poor) are less resilient to the
effect of floods on other aspects of their welfare such as their documents, work/business, health and
their dwelling (Table 11). Nearly all poor households affected by floods reported never being able to
recover their documents lost in the floods compared to a city-wide average of 83 percent. Similarly,
23 percent of affected poor households reported never being able to return to work or their business
due to floods compared to a city average of 10 percent. Repairs to homes also take longer among poor
households. For 69 percent of poor households, it takes weeks (compared to 26 percent of all
households) and for 12 percent it takes years compared to 8 percent of all households.
Low resilience of households in Cap-Haïtien to negative effect of floods is also in part driven
by institutional deficiencies. Interruptions in basic services such as water and sanitation, electricity,
school, and roads due to floods often take (in some instances) months to be restored and in other
instances never restored. Poor households in particular often face longer duration to get services
restored. For instance, for most of the poor households, restoring water and sanitation services in the
aftermath of a flood took months. Interruptions in schools and electricity as well as destruction to
roads due to floods still took weeks to restore- particularly among poor households.
Table 11: Household resilience and capacity to recover from losses (percent of households)
Never recovered/restored Cap-Haïtien High Risk Poor
Lost documents 83 (0.4) 77 (0.4) 100 (0)
Work/business 10 (0.3) 10 (0.3) 23 (0.4)
Health 7 (0.3) 5 (0.2) 14 (0.4)
Water services 3 (0.2) 4 (0.2)
Sanitation service 23 (0.4) 33 (0.5) 40 (0.5)
- 23 -
Electricity 38 (0.5) 39 (0.5) 40 (0.5)
Roads/paths 35 (0.5) 41 (0.5) 31 (0.5)
Notes: Standard deviations in parenthesis. Weights applied
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Households affected by floods in Cap-Haïtien mostly rely on their own coping strategies-
mainly by using their savings. Overall, 66 percent of households affected by floods used own-
coping strategies (mainly their savings) to mitigate the impact of floods. More than 30 percent of
affected households did not use any strategy. The availability of external support- from government,
family and friends is low overall with only four percent of households affected by floods receiving
external support. However, about 74 percent of affected households receive some form of
aid/assistance after a flood event. Although poor households appear to have lower capacity to deal
with floods, they are the highest receivers of external support to cope with floods: about 11 percent
of these households received support from government family or friends; and nearly all of them
received aid/assistance after a flood event. For households living in high-risk areas, 40 percent of
them who are affected by floods received aid/assistance during a flood event and nearly all of them
received aid/assistance after a flood event. Although households appear to generally have a low
capacity of dealing with floods, the provision of aid/assistance- particularly for the most vulnerable-
the poor and those living in high-risk areas is important for building/strengthening their resilience.
Table 12: Coping strategies and assistance (percent of households)
Cap-Haïtien Poor High Risk
Coping Strategies
Household level strategies 66 (0.47) 59 (0.49) 70 (0.46)
External support- family/friends/govt 4 (0.20) 11 (0.31) 3 (0.18)
Did Nothing 30 (0.46) 31 (0.46) 27 (0.44)
Assistance Received
Received any assistance 4 (0.19) 7 (0.26) 4 (0.19)
Received assistance during Flood 26 (0.44) 0 41 (0.49)
Received assistance After Flood 74 (0.44) 100 (0) 59 (0.49)
Notes: Weights applied. Although we did not have any questions on preparatory strategies, households use these categories
when replying to coping strategies.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
In addition to using savings, reductions in the consumption of food items is another common
coping mechanism, particularly among poor households. More than 50 percent of households
affected by floods resort to decreasing their consumption of several food items such as beans,
imported rice, corn, chicken/duck and beef. Similar pattern is also observed among households who
live in high-risk areas. These strategies are particularly more common among poor households. More
than 70 percent of poor households affected by floods decrease their consumption of imported rice,
- 24 -
beans and beef. Reduction in the consumption of these food items as coping mechanisms of
households affected by floods is likely to result in poor nutritional and dietary outcomes.
Figure 2: Reduced consumption of food items (% of households)
Note: Weights applied.
Source: Authors’ calculation using CRPS 2018
Most households rely on their savings to cope with floods. Forty-two percent of households
affected by floods used their savings to mitigate the impact of the floods. The use of savings is less
common among poor households; only 25 percent of poor households affected by floods relied on
their savings to cope with the impact of the floods compared to 46 percent of non-poor households.
Similarly, households in high-risk areas also rely significantly on savings and 45 percent of affected
households in high-risk areas relied on their savings to cope with shocks. Reduction in quantity of
food or number of meals to cope with the impact of floods is also common among poor households-
16 percent of poor households used this strategy compared to 4 percent of non-poor households
(used by 4 percent). Other coping strategies used by households in Cap-Haïtien include: migration by
household members (particularly among the non-poor households). It is important to highlight that 8
percent of affected households in Cap-Haïtien and 10 percent of those living in high-risk areas did
not use any coping strategy to mitigate the impact of floods.
7 Conclusion
Several factors may explain the high exposure and vulnerability of poor households to natural
disasters. First, these households often face significant risk of disasters. Secondly, they also have low
capacity to adequately prepare ex-ante or effectively cope ex-poste with natural disasters. As a result,
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Percentage of households
All of Cap Haïtien
Hhs. In High Risk Areas
Poor Hhs.
- 25 -
the occurrence of natural disasters such as floods often pushes these households deeper into poverty.
Similarly, households who are marginally above the poverty line may also be a flood or two away from
sliding back into poverty.
In Cap-Haïtien, floods are frequent and widespread. Between 2015 and 2018, more than 50 percent
of households were affected by floods at least once. Low capacity to cope with frequent floods
increases the vulnerability of these households to poverty traps. It is estimated that households
affected by floods experience a 12 percent decrease in per capita consumption. However, this effect
is statistically insignificant. In high-risk areas where households face a significant risk of exposure to
frequent floods, the effect of floods on household welfare is similar in both magnitude and statistical
significance. However, interruptions in basic services (such as water, electricity and schools) and
business/work; as well as destruction to infrastructure and assets are common effects of floods in
Cap-Haïtien. The high rate of poverty and low capacity, assets and savings to mitigate the impact of
floods on household welfare, imply that most of these households remain at risk of falling deeper or
sliding back into poverty. Most households rely on their own-coping strategies (which often involve
using their savings) which is often insufficient thereby increasing their vulnerability to poverty traps.
Reforms such as effective and shock-responsive social protection programs and DRM strategies such
as EWS are crucial for lowering vulnerability and building resilience of households in Cap-Haïtien.
While EWS exist in Cap-Haïtien, they appear to be less effective- most households who received alerts
of floods resorted to protecting their documents, stacking food, reinforcing their dwellings, etc. rather
than evacuating. Better sensitization of households about EWS to raise awareness about flood alerts
from various authorities and promote evacuation can significantly contribute to lowering the negative
effects of floods.
- 26 -
8 References
Akter, S., & Mallick, B. (2013). The Poverty–Vulnerability–Resilience Nexus: Evidence from
Bangladesh. Ecological Economics 96: , 114–24.
Baez, J., & Santos, I. (2008). On shaky ground: The effects of earthquakes on household income and
poverty. Background paper of the ISDR/RBLAC-UNDP project on disaster risk and poverty in Latin
America.
Dasgupta, P. (1993). An Inquiry into Well-Being and Destitution. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Deaton, A. (1992). Understanding Consumption. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dercon, S. (1996). Risk, crop choice, and savings: Evidence from Tanzania. Economic Development and
Cultural Change, 44(3), 485–513.
Dercon, S. (2000). Income risk, coping strategies and safety nets. Centre for the Study of African Economies,
University of Oxford.
Dercon, S. (2002). Income risk, coping strategies, and safety nets. The World Bank Research Observer,
17(2), , 141-166.
Dercon, S. (2004). Growth and Shocks: Evidence from Rural Ethiopia. Journal of Development Economics,
74(2), 309-329.
Dercon, S., & Krishnan, P. (2000). Vulnerability, seasonality, and poverty in Ethiopia. Journal of
Development Studies, 36(6), 25-53.
Elbers, C., Lanjouw, J., & Lanjouw, P. (2002). Micro-level estimation of welfare. World Bank Publications
(Vol. 2911).
Elbers, C., Lanjouw, J., & Lanjouw, P. (2003). Micro–level estimation of poverty and inequality.
Econometrica, 71(1)., 355-364.
Francisco, H. A., Predo, C. D., Manasboonphempool, A., Tran, P., & Jarungrattanapong, R. (2011).
Determinants of household decisions on adaptation to extreme climate events in Southeast Asia. EEPSEA
research report series/IDRC. Regional Office for Southeast and East Asia, Economy and
Environment Program for Southeast Asia; no. 2011-RR5.
Gallardo, M. (2018). Identifying vulnerability to poverty: A critical survey. Journal of Economic Surveys,
32(4), 1074-1105.
- 27 -
Gentle, P., Thwaites, R., Race, D., & Alexander, K. (2014). Differential impacts of climate change on
communities in the middle hills region of Nepal. Natural Hazards, 74(2), , 815-836.
Glave, M., Fort, R., & Rosemberg, C. (2008). Disaster risk and poverty in Latin America: The Peruvian
case study. Background paper of the ISDR/RBLAC-UNDP project on disaster risk and poverty in Latin
America.
Hallegatte, S. (2012). An Exploration of the Link between Development, Economic Growth, and
Natural Risk. Policy Research Working Paper 6216, World Bank, Washington, DC.
Hallegatte, S., Vogt-Schilb, A., Bangalore, M., & Rozenberg, J. (2016). Unbreakable: building the resilience
of the poor in the face of natural disasters. Washington, D.C: World Bank Publications.
Jacoby, H., & Skoufias, E. (1997). Risk, Financial Markets, and Human Capital in a Developing
Country. Review of Economic Studies 64(3), 311-335.
Jalan, J., & Ravallion, M. (1999). Are the poor less well insured? Evidence on vulnerability to income
risk in rural China. Journal of development economics, 58(1), ., 61-81.
Kochar, A. (1999). Smoothing consumption by smoothing income: hours-of-work responses to
idiosyncratic agricultural shocks in rural India. Review of Economics and Statistics, 81(1)., 50–61.
Loayza, N. V., Olaberria, E., Rigolini, J., & Christiaensen, L. (2012). Natural disasters and growth:
Going beyond the averages. World Development 40, no. 7, 1317-1336.
López-Calva, L., & Ortiz-Juárez, E. (2009). Evidence and Policy Lessons on the Links between
Disaster Risk and Poverty in Latin America: Methodology and Summary of Country Studies.
Research for Public Policy, MDGs and Poverty, MDG-01-2009, RBLAC-UNDP, New York.
Morduch, J. (1995). Income Smoothing and Consumption Smoothing. Journal of Economic Perspectives,
9(3)., 103–114.
Morris, S., Neidecker-Gonzales, O., Carletto, C., Munguıa, M., Medina, J., & Wodon, Q. (2002).
Hurricane Mitch and the livelihoods of the rural poor in Honduras. World Development, 30(1),
49–60.
Patankar, A. (2015). The Exposure, Vulnerability and Adaptive Capacity of Households to Floods in
Mumbai. Policy Research Working Paper 7481, World Bank, Washington, DC.
- 28 -
Paxson, C. (1992). Using Weather Variability to Estimate the Response of Savings to Transitory
Income in Thailand. American Economic Review, 82(1), 15-33.
Premand, P., & Vakis, R. (2010). Do shocks affect poverty persistence? Evidence using welfare
trajectories from Nicaragua. Well-Being and Social Policy, 6(1), 95-129.
Rosenzweig, M. R., & Binswanger, H. (1993). Wealth, Weather Risk, and the Composition and
Profitability of Agricultural Investments. Economic Journal, 103(1), 56-78.
Skoufias, E., & Quisumbing, A. R. (2005). Consumption Insurance and vulnerability to poverty: A
synthesis of the evidence from Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Mali, Mexico and Russia. The European
Journal of Development Research, 17(1), 24-58.
Skoufias, E., Kawasoe, Y., Strobl, E., & Acosta, P. A. (2019). Identifying the Vulnerable to Poverty
from Natural Disasters: The Case of Typhoons in the Philippines. World Bank Policy Research
Working Paper (8857).
Tesliuc, E., & Lindert, K. (2002). Vulnerability: A quantitative and qualitative assessment. . The World
Bank Group's Guatemala Poverty Assessment Program, 1-91.
World Bank, & ONPES, O. N. (2014). Investing in People to Fight Poverty in Haiti, Reflections for Evidence-
based Policy Making. Washington, DC: World Bank Group.
- 29 -
9 Appendix
9.1 Climate-related Risks and Poverty Survey (CRPS) data
An original two-stage sampling strategy was designed to ensure the representativeness of the
survey results. The sampling frame was constructed using the consumption aggregates from the 2012
Enquête sur les Conditions de Vie des Ménages après le Séisme (ECVMAS) collected by the Institut Haïtien de
Statistique et d'Informatique (IHSI). The team designed a two-stage sampling framework- beginning with
the identification of all applicable Primary Sampling Units (PSUs) in the first stage; and selection of
households within selected PSUs in the second stage.
Explicit stratification is done first for Cap-Haïtien and the project area, with an additional
stratum on high-risk area. Using the domains of inference (Cap-Haïtien, project area, and high-risk
areas), we construct four strata: project areas with high/moderate risk of floods; project areas with
low/no risk of floods; non-project areas with high/moderate risk of floods; and non-project Areas
with low/no risk of floods.
7
The ‘High Risk’ strata consist of areas with ‘moderate to high/strong’
and ‘strong to very strong’ risk areas as defined in the Cap-Haïtien flood risk report conducted by
Signalert for the Government of Haiti “Caractérisation et cartographie du risque inundation et de submersion
marine sur l'agglomeration du Cap-Haïtien, 2015.
Figure A: Sampling frame for the 2018 CRPS
Source: UDA consulting Company, 2017.
7
More information on sampling design is available upon request.
- 30 -
The lack of recent population data is overcome with the use of population estimates from
remote sensing. Since there are no census maps for all PSUs in Cap-Haïtien, a grid-segment design,
or area-probability approach was used. In this approach, uniform grids are layered over the city
segmented into 100 x 100 meters
8
which is close to the standard measure of a city block. Grid-
segments were assigned a population density based on georeferenced population data obtained from
WorldPop.
9
The two-stage selection of households provides for the calculation of the probability of
selection of households. Applying the total number of households to the sample frame of PSUs
facilitates the use of probability proportional to size selection and give lower, but not zero, probability
to sparsely populated areas. In the second stage, a listing of all households within a given PSU is
conducted to determine the probability of household selection. By design, 120 PSUs were surveyed
and 5 households per PSU were to be selected. Then the probability of selecting any given household
for inclusion in the sample is the product of the probability of the grid-segment (PSU) being selected
and the probability of the household within being selected.
All data were collected between October and November 2018 using a Computer Assisted
Personal Interview (CAPI) form by a private Haitian research institution INURED. The
survey was completed for 591 households as nine households preferred not to answer to the survey
and no replacement households were identified. Of these 591 households, one household did not
respond to any of the survey questions and another two households had several missing responses.
These households were dropped leaving us with 588 useable observations.
Weight are applied to ensure that the estimates obtained from the survey data are
representative of the population of interest. These weights are the result of the recorded
probabilities of selection at each stage of selection defined below:
8
We have also compared this with 50 x 50-meter grids and 250 x 250-meter grids. However, in the former, there were lots
of sparsely populated grids- of the 10, 221 grids with at least one household, 9,178 grids had less than 15 households. This
increases the likelihood of selecting grids with less households thereby affecting our sample. The 250 x 250 meter grids
were found to be too large and possibly difficult to implement. With an average of 31 households per grid, the 100 x 100
meter grids appear to be reasonably easy to implement.
9
An alternative measure of population density based on satellite imagery of landcover was also used in addition to data
from WorldPop. This data identifies roof-tops (distinguished into residential and non-residential buildings) and hence
number of dwellings. By multiplying the number of residential buildings in each grid with the average household size, a
approximate population density is obtained which for the purposes of sensitivity analysis, is compared with the data from
WorldPop.
- 31 -
������
ℎ��=������
1������
2=
�
��
��
������
�
�
��
�
��
′
Where:
������
ℎ�� is the probability of selecting household ℎ in grid � and stratum �;
������
1 is the probability of selecting a given PSU in stage 1 of the sampling strategy;
������
2 is the probability of selecting a given household in stage 2 of the sampling strategy;
�
� is the number of PSUs selected in stratum �;
�
�� is the size of grid � in stratum �;
������
� is the size of stratum �;
�
�� is the number of households selected in grid � of stratum �;
�
��
′
is the number of households listed in grid � of stratum �.
The household selection weights (refer to this as �
������������������) is the inverse of the probability of selection
defined above. The selection weight was further adjusted for non-response by taking a ratio of the
number of households selected for interview and the number of households interviewed. This value
equals to 1 if 5 households which were (by design) selected for interviewed were interviewed; to less
than 1 if more than 5 households were interviewed; and to more than 1 if less than 5 households were
interviewed. The final weight becomes:
w
final=w
sel × w
nr
Where:
w
sel is the inverse probability of selection in the sample design;
w
nr is the adjustment to account for non-response rates.
There are some outliers in the weights- mostly for grids with very low 1
st
stage probability. To trim
the weights, we winsorized these outliers by replacing any value above the 99
th
percentile with the
highest value from the 98
th
percentile of the final weights defined above.
9.2 SWIFT Methodology
Typically, data on household consumption, expenditure or income is collected and used to construct
poverty lines and analyze poverty profiles of households in most surveys. However, the CRPS survey
did not include data on household consumption, expenditure or income. To fill this gap, we use the
Survey of Wellbeing via Instant and Frequent Tracking (SWIFT)methodology along with the 2012
Enquête sur les Conditions de Vie des Ménages après le Séisme (ECVMAS) to compute household poverty.
- 32 -
SWIFT is a data collection method developed to provide timely, quick, and accurate data on
poverty through a small set of country-specific questions. Developed by the World Bank to
estimate poverty incidence between consecutive comprehensive household surveys (Ahmed et al.,
2014; Yoshida et al., 2015), SWIFT methodology complements traditional household surveys which
are collected on average every five years by providing more frequent poverty measurements to monitor
poverty changes. Although the model can use either consumption or income as the welfare measure,
the country preference takes precedence to maintain comparability. SWIFT develops country-specific
models.
SWIFT model assumes a linear relationship between household total consumption/income (�
ℎ) and
its correlates (�
ℎ) with a projection error (������
ℎ). The inclusion of this error term differentiates this
model from other predictive tools
���
ℎ=�
ℎ′�+������
ℎ (1)
SWIFT estimates the log transformation of the dependent variable to smooth asymmetries
and normalize the distribution of the variable, making it easier to estimate. SWIFT controls
for issues linked to over-fitting – when a model performs well within the sample but poorly outside
the dataset – by cross-validating the model (Kuhn and Johnson, 2013). The purpose of cross-
validation in SWIFT is to identify the optimal level of significance- or p-value- in the model, which
would balance the number of determinants and the goodness of fit across the sample. Cross-validation
consists of two steps: (a) splitting the sample in n-folds and running the model in n-1 folds and testing
it on the n
th
fold
10
and (b) running multiple models per fold, testing various thresholds of significance
for model variables. This process of ‘stepwise’ selection entails adding variables to the Ordinary Least
Square (OLS) model sequentially if they bring enough information, and simultaneously removing them
if they do not. Each fold has a chance to be the testing data and this process is repeated n times by
changing the n
th
fold each time. The optimal p-value performs best in terms of mean-squared errors
11
between actual and projected welfare, and the absolute value of the difference between the actual and
projected poverty (or forest-dependence) rates. This concludes the cross-validation process and the
10
We pick ten folds, but it could be any number of folds.
11
The average of the sum of squared differences between �
ℎ and �^
ℎ=�
ℎ
′
∗�^
- 33 -
stepwise OLS regression is run a final time on the full sample of data using the selected p-value. The
resulting regression is the SWIFT poverty model.
To ensure the quality and robustness of the models, SWIFT carries out two tests (if data are
available): backward imputation and validity test. The former applies the final model to a previous
round of data to check the stability of the model over time. The latter tests whether the error term
follows a normal distribution using a simulation method developed by Elbers, Lanjouw and Lanjouw
(2002, 2003).
The result is a small set of questions. The resulting questionnaire from SWIFT considerably
simplifies data collection and encourages teams to collect data quicker and more frequently than
traditional lengthy household surveys. The questions The SWIFT data are collected through CAPI
(Computer Assisted Personal Interviews) to ensure quick analysis and results. The data collected
include ownership of various types of assets, source of energy and water, characteristics of household’s
dwelling- materials used for floor and roof, number of rooms; household demographics including
household size, age and education level of household head; as well as location of the household-
administrative unit.
The final stage consists of predicting per capita consumption. In this final prediction phase,
SWIFT utilizes multiple imputation estimations to apply the coefficients from the model to the
variables in the new dataset. Random error is simultaneously introduced by adding 1000 imputations
with error per household estimate.
A poverty dummy can be created using predicted consumption per capita from the model.
This is done by repeatedly projecting predicted consumption per capita for all households. Although
several applications of the SWIFT methodology run twenty simulations for each household, we
choose to run 100 simulations for each household to ensure that the results are stable. In each
simulation, households’ likelihood of being poor is obtained by comparing the simulated household
consumption with a poverty line. The average poverty rate of the 100 simulations is used as to estimate
the poverty rate. This rate is often expressed as a percentage and hence does not enable us identify
poor versus non-poor households. To construct a binary indicator of poverty at household level, we
identify a threshold beyond which a household is classified as being poor. To do this, we choose the
- 34 -
poorest 31 percent of the households where 31 comes with the multiple imputation (or SWIFT
imputation) of the 100 simulations.
9.3 Coping Strategies
Table 13: Coping Strategies used
Cap-Haïtien High-risk areas Poor HH
Use savings 41.57 44.88 25.1
Food assistances from parents/friends 1.2 1.94 1.96
Government/State food assistance 0.13 0.22 0
Monetary aid from parents/friends 1.82 0.11 7.4
Reduction in quantity of food/number of meals 6.56 3.66 16.02
Reduction in quality of food 1.7 2.74 2.03
Food for Work 0.25 0.41 1.07
Migration of one or more HH members 14.53 16.6 11.25
Reduction in non-food related spending 0.2 0.33 0.85
Took loans from lenders/business people 0.29 0.47 1.23
Sold HH goods (equipment, etc.) 0.3 0.48 1.25
Cut wood/Made charcoal 0.18 0.29 0
Sent children to other homes 1.06 0.99 1.33
Engaged in spiritual activities (e.g., p 0.51 0.49 0
Others 17.17 13.99 19.48
Did nothing 8.22 9.84 4.59
Don't know/Not sure 4.31 2.58 6.43
Source: Authors’ calculation