Les importations de riz américain en Haïti (RCS-16A-01)
Resume — Analyse du Service de recherche économique de l'USDA sur Haïti comme marché du riz américain, écrite du côté exportateur.
Constats Cles
- Written from the exporting side, the counterpart to the Haitian analyses of the same trade.
- Records Haiti first opening its market to rice imports in 1986 and again in 1995.
- Haiti among the largest markets for US rice.
Description Complete
Analyse du Service de recherche économique de l'USDA sur Haïti comme marché du riz américain, écrite du côté exportateur. La plupart des travaux sur ce commerce sont rédigés du côté haïtien : lire l'économie de ce même flux telle que la présente l'exportateur justifie de conserver ce document à côté des autres.
Texte Integral du Document
Texte extrait du document original pour l'indexation.
A Report from the Economic Research Service
United States
Department www.ers.usda.gov
of Agriculture
Haiti’s U.S. Rice Imports
RCS-16A-01
February 2016
Nancy Cochrane
Nathan Childs
Stacey Rosen
Abstract
Haiti is among the largest markets for U.S. Southern long-grain milled rice. It is also
Contents the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere and is subject to chronic food insecu-
rity. Haiti first opened its market to rice imports in 1986 and again in 1995, reducing
Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . 1 tariffs on rice imports to 3 percent. Haiti’s rice imports now account for 80 percent of
Rice Is the Most Important consumption. Imports also allowed per capita food availability to rise by 11 percent
Food Item Consumed in Haiti between 1985 and 2011. Efforts are underway to improve agricultural performance, but
1 even with significant productivity gains, Haiti is likely to continue to rely on imports of
Haiti’s Rice Sector Is U.S. rice.
Characterized by Low Yields,
Slow Growth. . . . . . . . . . . 4
Keywords: Haiti, rice, U.S. long grain rice, food security, food consumption, food
Rice Growers in Haiti Face availability, rice imports, U.S. rice exports, productivity gains, international assistance.
Severe Constraints . . . . . . 6
Productivity Increases Might
Reduce Import Needs. . . . 8
Domestic Rice Is Higher Acknowledgments
Priced Than Imported Rice.8
Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References. . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Much of the information in this report was drawn from field visits by ERS researchers
to Haiti as part of USDA’s participation in the USAID-funded Feed the Future
Program. The authors would like to thank the USAID Mission in Port-au-Prince for
Approved by USDA’s
logistical support, as well as officials from Haiti’s Ministry of Agriculture, Rural
World Agricultural
Outlook Board Development and Natural Resources (MARNDR) for sharing data and insights into
local market conditions. The authors also thank Birgit Meade from ERS, Eric Wailes
of the University of Arkansas, and Yoonhee Macke of USDA/FAS for their thoughtful
peer reviews. Thanks also go to Mark Farrell for editing and Ethiene Salgado
Rodriguez for design.
Introduction
Haiti is a major market for U.S. rice, accounting for about 10 percent of U.S. rice exports and
generating around $200 million in revenue for the U.S. rice industry. Nearly all of this rice is from
the South, which typically accounts for 75-80 percent of annual U.S. rice production. Haiti is also
a country with significant food insecurity. Rice imports improved food availability, increasing per
capita calorie availability by about 11 percent between 1985 and 2011, according to the Global Food
Security Database compiled by the Economic Research Service. Large rice imports also changed
the character of the Haitian diet, with rice now accounting for almost one-quarter of total calorie
consumption. Imports essentially compensated for low growth and low productivity in Haiti’s agri-
cultural sector. The Haitian Government, as well as international development organizations, is
currently working to improve agricultural performance. However, even with significant productivity
gains, Haiti is unlikely to achieve self-sufficiency in rice production and will continue to rely on
imports of U.S. rice for a significant share of its food supply.
Haiti is one of the poorest countries in the world. The World Bank reports Haiti’s annual per capita
GDP as just $824 in 2014, compared with $6,147 in the Dominican Republic, which shares the
island of Hispaniola with Haiti, occupying the eastern two-thirds of the area (World Bank, 2015).
ERS’s International Food Security Assessment, 2014-24 reported that roughly 70 percent of Haiti’s
population was food insecure in 2014 (Rosen et al., 2014). The unemployment rate currently
exceeds 40 percent, with just one-third of the labor force having a formal job. A lack of skilled labor
also limits economic growth. Compounding these chronic economic problems was the January 12,
2010, magnitude 7 earthquake, which devastated the capital city of Port-au-Prince, killing between
100,000 and 200,000 people and causing substantial economic losses and infrastructure damage.
Rice Is the Most Important Food Item Consumed in Haiti
Rice is a critical component of the Haitian diet. According to the UN’s Food and Agricultural
Organization (FAO), in 2011 rice supply per person exceeded 48 kilograms (excluding seed and
waste) and accounted for 23 percent of the average total calories consumed each day.1 The share of
calories supplied by rice exceeds that of corn by 50 percent and is more than twice the share of roots
and tubers such as cassava, sweet potatoes, and yams (figures 1 and 2). Thus, access to adequate
supplies of rice is a vital food security objective of the Government of Haiti (GOH).
Haiti’s rice intake has increased since 1986, when Haiti began to open its market to imported
rice. Before that time, the country consumed only small amounts of rice and was self-sufficient.
Significant rice imports have altered the structure of Haiti’s diet. In 1985, FAO reported Haiti’s
per capita rice supply at a mere 13.1 kilograms per person, well below 31 kilograms for corn and
94 kilograms for starchy roots, historically the largest component of Haiti’s food supply. By 2011,
per capita rice availability had risen to 48 kilograms. Since 1985, per capita food availability of all
foods, in calories, increased by about 11 percent, mirroring the increase in rice (figure 3).
1This amount represents the total amount of rice available for food, as calculated by FAO. It excludes feed use, seed
use, waste, and industrial use.
1
Haiti’s U.S. Rice Imports, RCS-16A-01
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Figure 1
Share (percent) of daily caloric intake from Haiti’s food staples, 1985
7 Rice
22 Corn
15 Wheat
Other grains
5 Roots and tubers
11 Sugar and sweeteners
5 Beans and other pulses
6 8 Vegetable oils
10 11
Animal products
Other
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization.
Figure 2
Share (percent) of daily caloric intake from Haiti’s food staples, 2011
10 Rice
Corn
7 23
Wheat
Other grains
14 Roots and tubers
Sugar and sweeteners
14
5 Beans and other pulses
Vegetable oils
8 6
10 3 Animal products
Other
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization.
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Figure 3
Calorie availability rises by 11 percent from 1985 to 2011, with rice accounting for
a growing share
Calories per capita
2,500
Other
Animal
2,000 products
Vegetable oils
Sugar and
1,500 Sweeteners
Pulses
Roots and
1,000 tubers
Other grains
500 Corn
Rice
0
1985 87 89 91 93 95 97 99 01 03 05 07 09 11
Note: Figures are on a calendar-year basis.
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the UN Food and Agriculture Organization.
Haiti first eliminated quantity restrictions on rice imports in 1986, but replaced a specific import
tariff of $70 per ton with a 50-percent ad valorem tariff (Phillips and Watson, 2011). Imports
increased from just 7,000 metric tons in 1985 to 25,000 metric tons in 1986, with the United States
the sole supplier (USDA, PSD database). By 1994, imports exceeded 140,000 metric tons, with the
United States a major supplier. Then, in 1995, Haiti lowered its tariff rate to just 3 percent, and rice
imports immediately increased by more than 60,000 metric tons to 207,000 metric tons, with the
United States remaining the largest supplier. Domestic production stagnated during the same period,
and Haitian officials estimate that imports now account for 80 to 90 percent of rice consumption
(figure 4). In contrast, almost all consumption of corn and starchy roots is supplied by domestic
production. Rice imported from the United States is significantly cheaper than local Haitian vari-
eties; the greater availability of lower priced rice is most likely the key factor behind the shift in
consumption, although changing tastes and preferences could also play a role.
ERS analysis found that imports played a significant role in improving food security in many other
countries in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region as well (Rosen et al., 2014). However,
most of the LAC countries analyzed showed higher income growth, expanding exports, and/or more
robust domestic agricultural production than Haiti. Haiti, in contrast, continues to suffer from slow
growth in domestic production and low productivity, factors that negatively affect Haiti’s food
security.
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Figure 4
Rice consumption has nearly quintupled since 1985, while production trended
slightly downward
1,000 metric tons
600
500
400
300
200 Imports
100
Production
0
1 3 78
80
82 /7
/7
/8
/857
9
1
3
/7 /7 84
/7
86
88
90
92
94
96
/8
/8
/8
/9
/9
/9
/9
5
7
9
1
3
5
7
70 72 74 98
76
00
02
04
06
08
10
12
14
/9
/0
/0
/0
/0
/0
/1
/1
/1
9
1
3
5
7
9
1
3
5
19
Note: Figures are on a marketing year basis. Since 2007/08, Haiti’s marketing year has been July-June. Prior to 2007, it
was January-December.
Source: USDA Economic Research Service using data from USDA’s Foreign Agricultural Service.
Haiti’s Rice Sector Is Characterized by Low Yields, Slow
Growth
Haiti grows long-grain rice, producing two crops a year, a spring crop harvested in April-May and
a fall crop harvested mainly in October-November, with the fall crop accounting for 60-70 percent
of total production.2 Haiti consists of ten subnational administrative units, known as départements
(figure 5). About 70 percent of Haiti’s crop is produced in the Artibonite Valley, which is roughly
in the center-west; about 16 percent is in the Nord Département; and the remainder is grown mostly
in the Sud Département. Most of the rice produced in Haiti is grown under irrigation. There is also
some upland rice cultivated in the valley floors in the humid mountains of the Nord and Nord-Est
Départements. Farm size averages 1-3 hectares.
Rice production in Haiti has shown no long-term growth over the past 30 years, after expanding
slightly from the early 1960s to the mid-1980s. Initial growth in the 1960s and early 1970s was due
to expanded area. This was followed by higher yields in the mid-1970s. Haiti’s rice area has been
quite variable, ranging between 40,000 and 76,000 hectares since 1960/61, but typically below
70,000 hectares and averaging 57,400 hectares per year. From 1998/99 to 2009/10, rice area aver-
aged 50,500 hectares, with less year-to-year variation. However, USDA data indicate that area
rose 20,000 hectares to a near-record 75,000 in 2010/11 and has remained at this level since. The
increase was mainly due to support from GOH and international donors.
2The timing of planting and harvest varies considerably, depending on the location and weather conditions. In the Sud
and Nippes Départements, the dominant crop tends to be planted in February and harvested in June or July, although plant-
ing can extend into April if there are delays in either Government support or the arrival of the rains. But these Départe-
ments account for a relatively small share of total production.
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Figure 5
Artibonite Valley accounts for 70 percent of Haiti’s rice crop
Republic of Cuba Ile de
la Tortue
Nord-Ouest
Nord
Nord-Est
L’Artibonite
Centre
Ile de Dominican
la Gonave Republic
Grand’Anse
Nippes Ouest
Sud Sud-Est
Ile a Vache
Range Département Production (metric tons) Share (percent)
L’Artibonite 79,051.5 78.59
Nippes 8,409.4 8.36
Nord-Est 3,857.4 3.83
Sud 3,837.5 8.82
Ouest 3,332.5 3.31
Nord 1,522.1 1.51
Grand’Anse 550.1 0.55
Centre 14.6 0.01
Sud-Est 10.9 0.01
Nord-Ouest 0 0.00
Note: These numbers represent production from the crop planted in the spring of 2013 and harvested in August and
September. They do not represent the entire 2013/14 crop.
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service using data from the Haitian Ministry of Agriculture, Rural Development and
Natural Resources.
Rice yields (rough) in Haiti more than doubled from 1960/61 to the mid-1980s, but have shown no
upward trend since. In fact, since 2005/06, Haiti’s yields have averaged just 1.83 tons per hectare,
down from an average of 2.20 tons the previous decade. According to USDA’s Foreign Agricultural
Service (FAS), rice yields in the Dominican Republic—the largest rice-producing country in the
Caribbean—have averaged 4.85 tons per hectare since 2005/06 (USDA, PSD database). Cuba’s
yields averaged 2.94 tons per hectare from 2005/06 to 2014/15 and increased 12 percent over the
decade, but are still below the 2002/03 and 2003/04 record high for Cuba of 3.49 tons per hectare.
Cuba is the second-largest rice-producing country in the Caribbean. Key factors behind Haiti’s
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declining yields are a failure to maintain the irrigation infrastructure, deteriorating land quality and
producers’ lack of access to inputs.
Since 2005/06, rice production (rough-basis) in Haiti has ranged from 91,000 tons to 142,000 tons,
with an average of 114,400 tons, nearly unchanged from the previous decade’s average. These
average levels are about 10,000 tons below the 1980/81-1989/90 average (USDA, PSD database).
Rice Growers in Haiti Face Severe Constraints
Any expansion of rice production in Haiti faces severe constraints. A major limitation is a lack of
access to working capital: private financing is available only at extremely high interest rates, and
there is very little investment from sources outside Haiti. Seed quality is poor; some foreign aid
projects provide high-quality seed at low cost to participating farmers, but most farmers cannot
afford quality seeds. Farm sizes are too small to operate efficiently, and many farms consist of two
or more noncontiguous plots. Continuing conflicts over land ownership block any expansion or
consolidation of farms into more efficient units. Water rights are also unclear, generating conflicts
over use.
Irrigation canals—critical for flooding fields—are of poor quality and in need of repair and cleaning.
This service is the responsibility of the Organization for Development of the Artibonite Valley
(ODVA), an autonomous unit of the Ministry of Agriculture, Rural Development, and Natural
Resources (MARNDR), but funds are lacking. Haiti’s Coordination Nationale de la Securite
Alimentair (CNSA), another autonomous unit of MARNDR, reported that repairs were planned
for 40 kilometers of canals. However, of the 100 million gourdes needed for this project, only 1.2
million gourdes were available from the Haitian budget (CNSA and FEWSNET, 2015).
Haiti’s rice sector also suffers from a lack of skilled labor, mechanization, and storage facilities
that would allow farmers to hold rice until prices are higher. Haiti’s rice production is also subject
to large losses: experts at ODVA estimate total losses at around 20 percent; experts in the Sud
Département estimated losses to be 10-15 percent in the field, with further losses during storage
and marketing. Much is lost in the field, with pests destroying about 10 percent of the crop annu-
ally. Losses also occur during harvest due to improper harvesting techniques, highlighting the need
for better technical support. Hurricane damage and severe flooding, common in the region, also
contribute to losses.
The milling industry faces severe challenges as well. According to Haitian sources, the mills—of
which there are hundreds—are old, extremely small, and use outdated technology, resulting in
excessive levels of foreign matter in the milled rice and large numbers of broken kernels, which sell
at a substantial discount compared to unbroken kernels.
A major goal of the GOH is to boost domestic rice output and reduce dependence on imports. The
Government program announced for 2014 included as a key objective the improvement in irrigation
and canal facilities. Other objectives included bringing uncultivated land into production, providing
subsidized seed and fertilizers to producers, improving access to machinery, and strengthening agri-
cultural advisory services. The GOH has committed its own funds to provide input subsidies and
upgrade irrigation facilities. The GOH announces annual fertilizer subsidy rates each January, and
the level of the subsidy impacts planting decisions.
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A number of U.S. and foreign donors are also supporting this effort. The USAID-funded Feed
the Future West/WINNER project has assisted farmers in implementing a System of Rice
Intensification (SRI) designed to boost yields while using fewer seeds and significantly less water
and fertilizer (USAID Haiti, 2012). In addition, Cuba and Venezuela are helping Haiti build new
mills, and the Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund has supported the forma-
tion of cooperatives in the Artibonite Valley and southwestern Haiti. The project provides access to
improved inputs, gives technical assistance to farmers, and funds research aimed at boosting yields
and improving quality. The 4,000 participating farmers have seen their yields rise to 3.5 tons per
hectare.
These projects demonstrate that it is possible to raise productivity among Haitian producers.
However, recent experience also shows that these gains are vulnerable to natural, financial, and
organizational setbacks. The Taiwanese project supports much of the rice production in the Sud
Département, but suffered a funding lapse in 2014, and production in that Département declined
from the previous year. At the beginning of every season, producers wait to find out what support
they can expect before deciding how much to plant. Planting was late in the fall of 2014 because
of delays in delivering assistance to farmers; neither the GOH nor the donors had distributed the
seed and fertilizer that had been promised, and producers were forced to rely on their own funds to
acquire the needed supplies.
There were further delays in providing funds in 2015, compounded by dry weather. Due to lack of
rain, water levels in the main rivers were below normal. Farmers close to water sources had access
to water, while those farther away were unable to irrigate their land. Failure to clean the irrigation
canals also prevented some farmers from receiving the water they needed. Thus, Haitian officials
at ODVA and Département offices of the MARNDR expected that the spring 2015 crop would be
down considerably from the previous year.3 In its July bulletin, CNSA also predicted a decline in
production for 2015 because of a lack of rain and inadequate investment (CNSA and FEWSNET,
2015).
3USDA’s PSD database shows a production decline from 2013 to 2014, but no change in 2015. While Haitian officials
expect a decline in 2015, that expectation is based on anecdotal reports from various stakeholders rather than hard data.
There is a dearth of reliable data on Haitian rice area or production. MARNDR, with assistance from USDA’s National
Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS), began a semi-annual sample survey of area and production of major crops begin-
ning in the spring of 2013. The 2013 survey provided reliable production estimates, but area estimates were not statisti-
cally reliable. Further surveys were carried out for the two 2014 seasons, but results are not yet final.
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Productivity Increases Might Reduce Import Needs
The experience of producers benefiting from development projects such as the Taiwanese project
demonstrates that under the right conditions, Haitian producers can achieve yields of 3 tons per
hectare or more. Local Ministry officials interviewed by the authors also believe that overcoming
the obstacles noted above could encourage producers to expand the area planted to rice. Expansion
of rice output and improvement of processing and marketing channels might improve producer
incomes, but it is not certain whether this would have a significant impact on food security.
The International Food Security Assessment (IFSA) model, developed by ERS, is used to simulate
the impact of a 15-percent increase in rice yields.4 Since production is a function of area and yields,
the yield increase results in higher production and, in turn, a 5-percent increase in total grain avail-
ability. The boost in grain availability leads to a 22-percent reduction in the distribution gap, defined
as “the amount of food needed to raise consumption in each food-deficit income decile to the nutri-
tional target of roughly 2,100 calories per person per day” (Rosen et al., 2014).5 The estimated
decline in the distribution gap indicates a lessening in the intensity of food insecurity as per capita
consumption increases and moves closer to the nutritional target.
Despite the improvement in this one aspect of food security, it is important to note that the increase
in food availability has only a small impact on the number of food-insecure people. After allocating
availability across the 10 income deciles, we find that consumption in the bottom 7 deciles is so far
below the nutritional target that a 15-percent increase in rice yield does not increase availability
enough to make these deciles food secure.
Imports under this scenario decline only negligibly. While the yield increase boosts rice output,
domestically produced rice makes up a small share of the total grain supply (rice, corn and sorghum
combined), and the country remains dependent on imports for over half its total grain supply.
Domestic Rice Is Higher Priced Than Imported Rice
The highest priced rice varieties in Haiti are the domestically grown Shella and Shelda (figure
6).6 These varieties are both parboiled before milling; Haitians greatly prefer these varieties over
imported rice, but the parboiling raises the production costs and thus the retail price (Wilcock and
Jean-Pierre, 2012). Another local variety is TCS-10, originally developed in Taiwan. This variety
is said to be higher yielding and is widely grown in the Artibonite Valley (Wilcock and Jean-Pierre,
2012). The price of TCS-10 was very close to the retail price of varieties imported from the United
States, but has been rising since early 2013. Even so, this variety could potentially compete with
U.S. rice on the basis of price, but it tends to be stickier than U.S. varieties and is less preferred by
Haitian consumers.
4The IFSA model projects food availability and food access. The model analyzes the gap between projected food
availability (production plus commercial and food aid imports minus nonfood use) and a nutritional target of roughly
2,100 calories per capita per day, depending on the region. Based on total population data and the population share that
consumes less than the nutritional target, the projected number of people who cannot meet the target consumption level is
calculated.
5For this analysis, the population is divided into 10 income groups, ranging from the poorest 10 percent to the 10
percent of the population with the highest income.
6The prices of Shella and Shelda are very close to one another; for this reason, only Shella is shown in the chart.
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Prices for local varieties tend to rise and fall based on available supplies, as farmers have little
storage capacity and typically can hold rice off the market for only 1 to 2 months after harvest
(U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2013). Prices for domestic rice typically fall during October and
November, after the fall harvest, rise for several months as supplies tighten, then fall with the next
harvest (figure 6). The April harvest, being a smaller harvest, appears to have less of an impact on
prices.
The most popular varieties of U.S. rice are Tchako and Mega, which sell at about 60 percent of
the price of Shella. Almost all U.S. sales of rice to Haiti are commercial sales that are typically 4
percent or less brokens, a standard grade of U.S. Southern long-grain milled rice. In contrast to
domestic rice, there tends to be much less price variation for imported varieties, which typically
follow U.S. export prices (figure 7).
However, the price of rice in local markets is vulnerable to changes in the exchange rate. For
example, the U.S. dollar value of imported rice had been trending lower for several years (figure 7),
but due to the long-term devaluation of the gourde, the prices of rice in local currency have been
trending higher or remaining stable over much of the same period (figure 6). The Haitian gourde
underwent a sharp devaluation beginning in June 2015—pushing the dollar value of the gourde
from 47 in May to 57 by early August—which was reflected in a sharp rise in the local price of all
rice varieties in June and July (figure 6) even as the price in U.S. dollars was nearly stable (figure 7).
Continued currency devaluation, particularly if it is combined with rising prices for U.S. rice, could
have adverse effects on Haiti’s food security.
During the most recent price surge in March 2013, Haiti began to import rice from Vietnam after a
contract was signed with the Vietnamese Government in late 2012 to buy 300,000 tons of rice. The
goal was to stabilize prices shortly after the country was hit by natural disasters—Hurricanes Sandy
and Isaac—heightening concerns about Haiti’s ability to meet its food needs. The first shipment
of 15,000 tons under the government contract arrived in Haiti in March 2013; total imports from
Vietnam reached 87,000 tons by December 2013, making Vietnam the second-largest supplier in
2013 (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2014). Although Vietnam’s rice is much lower priced than
U.S. rice, selling at 60-80 percent the price of U.S. rice in 2014, Haitian consumers have resisted
buying the variety, called 10 sou 10, since they don’t like its cooking properties. Vietnam’s ship-
ments dropped to just 20,000 tons in 2014, likely due to cooking and quality concerns. It appears
that while prices play a critical role in Haitians’ purchasing decisions, tastes and preferences are also
important—Haitian consumers clearly prefer long-grain varieties that cook dry and fluffy. However,
if the gap between U.S. and Vietnamese rice prices widens, purchases from Vietnam could resume,
displacing some U.S. sales.
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Figure 6
Prices of local rice varieties rise and fall with the production season;
prices of imported varieties are more stable
Haitian gourdes per kilogram Shella TCS-10 blanc Tchako 10 sou 10
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
. c. . . c. . . c. . . c. .
pt ar ne pt ar ne pt ar ne pt ar ne
Se De M Ju Se De M Ju Se De M Ju Se De M Ju
2012 2013 2014 2015
Note: The value of 1 U.S. dollar was 41 Haitian gourdes in September 2011, 47 in May 2015, and 55 in July 2015.
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service, using data from the Haitian Ministry of Agriculture, Natural Resources
and Rural Development.
Figure 7
Haitian market prices for imported varieties roughly follow the U.S. market
Haitian gourdes per kilogram U.S. Southern long grain Tchako rice at Port-au-Prince market
1,200
1,000
800
600
400
200
0
p. v. . ly p. ov. an. . ly p. ov. an. . l.
n. ar ay Ju ar May Ju ar May Ju
Se N o Ja M M Se N J M Se N J M
2012 2013 2014 2015
Source: USDA, Economic Research Service, using data from USDA and the Haitian Ministry of Agriculture, Natural
Resources and Rural Development.
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Conclusion
Haiti has been the second to third largest market for U.S. rice exports—measured by quantity—and
the largest market for U.S. long-grain milled rice for more than a decade. Haiti is likely to remain
an important destination for U.S. rice in the foreseeable future, despite ongoing efforts to boost
domestic rice output. Rice is steadily gaining importance in the Haitian diet, and imports will
continue to play an important role in meeting Haiti’s food requirements. Haitians have demonstrated
a clear preference for U.S. long-grain varieties, greatly preferring them over cheaper Asian varieties.
However, market forces can introduce significant uncertainty to the outlook for Haiti’s rice
purchases from the United States, reflecting the market price for rice as well as currency volatility.
The long-term decline in the value of the gourde against the U.S. dollar tends to make rice more
expensive in local currency. While the impact of the currency devaluation in the summer of 2015
was tempered by declining U.S. rice prices, a depreciating currency coupled with rising U.S. rice
prices could lead to a deterioration in Haiti’s food security situation.
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Haiti’s U.S. Rice Imports, RCS-16A-01
Economic Research Service/USDA