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MULTISECTOR RESOURCE GUIDE FOR
PREVENTING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN
LATIN AMERICA
Author: American Institutes for Research
April 2021
DISCLAIMER: The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for
International Development or the United States g overnment.
USAID.GOV MULTISECTOR RESOURCE GUIDE FOR PREVENTING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA | 1
MULTISECTOR RESOURCE GUIDE FOR
PREVENTING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN
AMERICA
INTRODUCTION
Authors: Paula Dias, Patricia Campie, Yemile Mizrahi, and Chandler Hill
Youth violence is prevalent in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region and has severe
consequences across multiple sectors. Adolescents in this region are five times more likely to be victims
of homicide than youth living in any other part of the world.
1
In the past decade, several countries in the
LAC region became the most violent in the world. As a group, Brazil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Mexico, and Venezuela produced one in every four murders worldwide in 2016.
2 The region represents
just 8.5% of the global population but accounts for an estimated 30% of the world’s homicides.
3
High
rates of homicide correlate with stifled progress toward sustainable development g oals, such as reducing
extreme poverty, hunger, youth unemployment, infant mortality rates, and adolescent birth rates.
4 In the
LAC region, youth violence has a direct effect on education, health, and economic opportunity. In the
education sector, many students are victimized on their way to school by street gangs operating in their
neighborhoods. Further, high teacher turnover, fueled by fear of violence in or around a school, inhibits
opportunities to develop trusting, supportive relationships among students, teachers, and other school
staff.
5,6 Violence also greatly affects the health sector by deplet ing scarce health care resources and
placing undue stress on health sector organizations. In addition, youth violence contributes to poor
economic and workforce outcomes for both youth and their families (e.g., lack of job readiness, lack of
access to jobs, lack of access to formal employment, hostile and dangerous work environments), which
escalate risk factors and make youth vulnerable to disconnection from school and work. USAID and other
donors have invested heavily in the prevention of violence in the region, and the results of these
investments demonstrate that evidence-based interventions can be effective in reducing youth violence
in even the most violent areas.
7
This Multisector Resource Guide for Preventing Youth Violence in the LAC Region contains
three
sector-specific briefs on youth violence prevention. The purpose of this guide is to help key
stakeholders in the education, health, and workforce sectors understand the types of violence that
affect youth in the LAC region and how youth violence affects each sector. The sector b riefs illustrate
integrated approaches—working across education, health, and workforce sectors—to reduce the effects
USAID.GOV MULTISECTOR RESOURCE GUIDE FOR PREVENTING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA | 2
of youth violence and offer evidence-based strategies to mitigate youth violence in these sectors. The
sector briefs also offer guidance on measuring results and sustaining youth violence prevention efforts.
The Education Sector Brief presents data and resources on how the sector can help prevent youth
viol
ence in schools and the surrounding communities where students and their families live. Schooling
can serve as a protective factor for youth, because young people who stay connected to school are less
likely to exhibit disruptive and violent behavior, carry or use a weapon, and experiment with illegal
substances.
8 However, violence in the community can be a significant source of trauma that can affect a
student’s attendance at school due to fear of moving between home and classroom.
9 Occurrences of
violence at schools often prompt the rapid adoption of repressive policies or programs; however, such
strategies can make matters worse, damaging the relationship among schools, students, and families and
increasing violence in schools and communities. Instead, the Education Sector Brief suggests that actions
to prevent school violence should begin with a careful review of the problem to identify the drivers of
violence, and the use of evidence-based, targeted strategies to address the problem.
The Health Sector Brief explains the ways in which this sector has the strong potential to contribute
to vi
olence prevention through public health approaches. Violence both directly and indirectly affects
the health sector in LAC in diverse and significant ways, particularly because it depletes scarce health
care resources and places undue stress on health sector organizations. Beyond its primary role of
providing health care services, the health sector also plays a vital role as a leader in surveilling,
researching, and monitoring violence prevention interventions. Many health sector workers do not fully
appreciate the important role they can play in youth violence prevention. The health sector can
contribute more effectively to violence prevention by broadening its focus beyond treatment to include
greater communication about violence prevention as a public health priority and more involvement in
health and social service partnerships for violence prevention.
The Workforce Sector Brief presents information and evidence for how this sector can play an
important role in preventing youth from engaging in violence. Young workers in the LAC region are
especially vulnerable to a wide range of workplace violence from myriad sources. In particular, the
informality of employment and the specific subsector in which they work put young workers at
increased risk for violence at work. Further, some youths are more victimized than others. Using a
preventive approach that considers how gender, race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status intersect to
place young people at risk for violence is key to reducing risk and improving outcomes for youth,
employers, and the broader community.
Youth violence is preventable. By using data to identify the drivers of violence, consulting the research
on ef
fective strategies, and engaging community stakeholders and institutions to address the issue, an
effective violence prevention plan can be put in place. Youth violence should be a concern for USAID
and other donors working outside the citizen security and governance sectors. It is a problem that
affects all segments of society and should be addressed by stakeholders in the education, health, and
workforce sectors both as an intrinsic human rights issue and because of its impact on social and
economic development.
USAID.GOV MULTISECTOR RESOURCE GUIDE FOR PREVENTING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA | 3
REFERENCES
1 UNICEF. (2018). Children in Latin America and the Caribbean: Overview 2018. Panama City, Panama.
2 Luengo-Cabrera, J. (2017). (Rep.). The economic impact of violence in LAC: Implications for the EU. European
Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep06802
3 Muggah, R. A., & Tobin, K. A. (2018). Citizen security in Latin America: Facts and figures . Rio de Janeiro:
Igarapé Institute.
4 National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. (2018). Identifying the r ole of v iolence and i ts
preven
tion in the post- 2015 global a genda: Proceedings of a w orkshop—in brief. Washington, DC:
The National Academies Press. doi.org/10.17226/25076
5 Pérez, O. J. (2013). Gang violence and insecurity in contemporary Central America. Bulletin of Latin
Ameri
can Research, 32(S1), 217–234. doi:10.1111/blar.12114
6 Green, G., Rhodes, J., Hirsch, A. H., Suárez-Orozco, C., & Camic, P. M. (2008). Supportive adult
relation
ships and the academic engagement of Latin American immigrant youth. Journal of School
Psychology, 46(4), 393–412. doi:10.1016/j.jsp.2007.07.001
7 Chioda, L. (2017). Stop the violence in Latin America: A look at prevention from cradle to adulthood.
Wash
ington, DC: World Bank.
8 Bushman, B. J., Newman, K., Calvert, S. L., Downey, G., Dredze, M., Gottfredson, M., . . . Webster,
D. W.
(2016). Youth violence: What we know and what we need to know. American Psychologist,
71(1), 17–39. doi:10.1037/a0039687
9 Moser, C., & Holland, J. (1997). Urban poverty and violence in Jamaica. Washington, DC: World Bank.
doi:10.1596/0-8213-3870-6
STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA : A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 4 USAID.GOV
ISSUE BRIEF
STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA:
A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR
Authors: Patricia Campie, Nick Read, Yemile Mizrahi, Chandler Hill, Elyse Shaw, and Adria Molotsky
INTRODUCTION
Youth violence, or violence affecting individuals between the ages of 10 and 29, is a preventable social
and public health problem. Youth violence encompasses various types of violence, including physical
violence, psychological violence, sexual violence, intimate partner violence, harassment, and homicide.
The education sector plays a vital role in preventing youth violence in schools and in the surrounding
communities where students and their families live. This brief provides the education sector with
actionable guidance on reducing violence in schools and engaging in multisector prevention efforts that
support and engage youth so they do not become more vulnerable to committing or becoming a victim
of violence in the community.
COMMUNITY -BASED VIOLENCE, STUDENTS, AND SCHOOLS
Violence impacts the developmental health of young children who live in areas with high rates of and/or
persistent violence, affects the mental and phys
that flee the violence. Furthermore, violence deters businesses from investing in areas where
employment opportunities are desperately needed and affects the performance of key institutions that
support the educational, social, financial, physical, and security needs of the broader community.
1
Schooling can serve as a protective factor for youth. Young people who stay connected to school are
less likely to exhibit disruptive and violent behavior, carry or use a weapon, and experiment with illegal
substances.
2
However, violence in the community can be a significant source of trauma that can affect a student’s
attendan
ce at school due to fear of moving between home and classroom.
3 In many countries in the
Latin America and Caribbean (LAC)hool
street gangs operating in—and often controlling—a neighborhood. This is especially true whe n gangs
establish “invisible borders” and often attack or harass children and adolescents who cross one of these
boundaries on their way to school. Similarly, high teacher turnover, fueled by fears of violence in or
around a school, inhibits the opportunity to develop trusting, supportive relationships among students,
teachers, and other school staff.
4,5
Once at school, students exposed to violence at home or in the community often have depressive
sympt
oms that can be misconstrued as lack of interest or antisocial behavior.
6 Schools may respond to
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disengaged students with harsh discipline, such as suspension or expulsion, traumatizing them all over
again.
7 When students disengage from school, they are more likely to become involved in delinquent or
criminal activity, including gang involvement. A study of 200 males ages 13 to 20 incarcerated for
serious offenses in Brazil revealed striking similarities. Almost all had been repeatedly exposed to
violence in the home or community, and most had dropped out of school because of community
violence.
8
In the LAC region, the dominant culture of “machismo” has a pronounced effect on gender-based
viole
nce.
9 When male youth are exposed from a young age to hyper-masculine gender norms and gang
violence in the community or at home, they are more likely to engage in violence against girls and
women. Simultaneously, the fear among young women of sexual violence and harassment can lead to
depressive behavior or running away from home, keep ing them from attending school.
10 Furthermore,
girls who experience pregnancy as a result of sexual violence may end up dropping out of school
entirely. This exacerbates the existing gender disparities in educational attainment that lead to further
inequities in employment and lifetime economic insecurity.
11
Finally, for youth who experience repeated and persistent exposure to violence in their communities
when the
ir brains are still in a fragile developmental state (up to age 25), the stress hormone cortisol
can significantly damage the part of the brain that controls decision making.
12 This may cause children to
develop more pronounced fight-or-flight responses that can lead them to behave more aggressively
when they feel threatened, even if the threat is simply a teacher asking them to follow a rule in the
classroom in front of their peers.
13
SCHOOL-BASED YOUTH VIOLENCE
In this brief, school-based violence is defined as any incident in which a member of the school
community is subject to abuse, whether it is threatening, intimidating, or humiliating behavior; or
physical assault while on school premises, while traveling to or from school, or during a school -
sponsored event off school grounds. School violence can include fights, vandalism, sexual assault, and
homicide. It also includes violent acts between students, by educators toward students, and by students
toward educators.
VIOLENCE EXPERIENCED BY STUDENTS
School-aged youth often experience very different forms of violence and some youth are
disproportionately vulnerable to certain types of violence. For example, boys are more likely to report
accessibility to weapons and drugs in school, while girls are more likely to report instances of domestic
violence and abuse (e.g., physical violence from parents, dating violence, stalking, and harassment).
14
Victimization among school-aged youth has substantial and lasting effects on social and emotional
adjustment. Students who are repeatedly victimized often experience a variety of mental health
problems, including depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem.
15 Research from other regions of the
world demonstrates that harsh discipline in schools often disproportionately targets youth from
disadvantaged backgrounds, including racial and ethnic minorities, or children with learning or
developmental disabilities (e.g., autism). Such discipline can lead to involvement in the criminal justice
system and further social isolation and exclusion, leaving youth more vulnerable to recruitment into
gangs and less likely to complete their education.
16
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In the Caribbean, school-based violence is most common in secondary schools and includes fights,
vandalism, sexual assault, and homicide.
17 Youth commonly cite as violence drivers self- defense,
protecting self and peers,
a establishing a profile that others will respect, and intimidating others.
Victims of bullying are more often boys than they are girls,
18 and data from the Caribbean show that
nearly 30
Like the Caribbean, the rest of the LAC region experiences a similarly high rate of school-based
viole
nce.
19 For example:
•
In Mexico, nearly 69 percent of high school students reported experiencing some type of aggression or
violence at school (2015).
• Sixty-six percent of students in Argentina said they were aware of frequent harassment of students (2015).
• In Brazil, 84 percent of students in 143 schools from six state capitals considered their schools violent, and
70 percent reported being victims of violence in school (2015).
• In Bogota, Colombia , almost 30 percent of males and 17 percent of females have been in at least one
fight in school (2015).
• In Managua, Nicaragua, 37 percent of secondary school students had suffered from bullying and physical
aggression in their schools (2015).
• In San Salvador, El Salvador , approximately 15 percent of middle and secondary school students were
involved in at least one school fight in any given month, and almost 20 percent carried bats or sticks to
school for self-defense (2015).
• More than 60 percent of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, intersex (LGBTQI) children in Chile,
Mexico, and Peru had experienced bullying (2012).
• In Chile, 24.7 percent of students had been victims of one or more forms of sexual violence in schools
(2018).
VIOLENCE EXPERIENCED BY SCHOOL STAFF
School violence has a direct impact on teachers and staff, including in the LAC region. A recent global
systematic review found that up to 75 percent of teachers had experienced physical violence, threats of
violence, or the theft of personal property while at school.
20 Because more than 95 percent of all
teachers in the region are female, violence against teachers more or less equates to violence against
women, which has been shown to lead to adverse mental, sexual, and reproductive health outcomes
and, consequently, can worsen health and socioeconomic outcomes for families, communities, and
societies.
21,22 In Mexico for example, more than half of all female teachers report experiences with
violence in the forms of humiliation, insults, or physical aggression while on school grounds.
23 Another
study found that, while at school, teachers experience theft, property damage, physical assault, verbal abuse, sexual harassment, and noncontact aggression. These experiences correlate with teachers’
feelings about their job, lower levels of trust between teachers and students, decreased feelings of safety
at school, and thoughts of quitting.
24 Other research from the United States finds that special education
teachers, including those who work with students who
victimization at the hands of students than do other teachers.
25 Although research measuring violence
a
As many as 10 percent of Caribbean young people report carrying weapons to school.
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against teachers in the LAC region is rare, reports indicate that the problem is a growing concern. In
Honduras, for example, 90 percent of teachers surveyed said that their school had been the target of
violence levied by local gangs.
26 This includes psychological violence in the form of threats, personal
assaults, and damage to teachers’ vehiclesIn Guatemala, approximately 30
reported having been victimized, or knowing someone who had been victimized, by gangs when entering
or leaving school.
27 Researchers found that gang members used threats of violence against teachers in
exchange for school-related favors (e.g., selling drugs in class, passing grades), generating fear and
diminishing the quality of education that teachers can provide, which then reduces the quality of learning
in their classrooms.
28
ACTION TO PREVENT SCHOOL -BASED VIOLENCE
When violence occurs, parents, staff, students, and the broader community are understandably
concerned. This concern often prompts the rapid adoption of repressive policies or programs, like
zero-tolerance for any misbehavior, automatic expulsion, and police arrest protocols. However, such
strategies can make matters worse, damaging the relationship among schools, students, and families, and
increasing violence in schools and communities. For example, arming teachers with weapons or placing
police in schools may increase feelings of safety among the public or parents outside the school, but it
can increase tensions in the school and result in accidental or intentional violence. This can damage the
supportive climate important to engaging youth in the learning process and helping them feel safe.
Instead, actions to prevent school violence should begin with a careful review of the problem to identify
violence drivers and use the most effective and appropriate strategies to address the problem.
PROGRAM SPOTLIGHT
The Trinidad and Tobago Violence Prevention Academy (VPA) pilot
program, funded by the government of Trinidad and Tobago, trained school-
based personnel to develop comprehensive, integrated, evidence- based
violence prevention plans tailored to the specific needs of participating schools.
The VPA began its violence prevention planning with an assessment of the
problem and a review of student risk for violence and the preventive supports
available to promote safety, followed by a review of solutions that had been
effective in similar circumstances. Then, using a combination of face-to-face
learning and technical assistance, the training program tried to enhance the skills of school violence
prevention specialists and the capacity of their schools to implement and sustain successful violence
prevention programs.
29 The VPA pilot program was found to reduce violent behavior among 16- and
17-year-old students by 30 percent. To make the VPA sustainable, a broad group of stakeholders
became involved in planning, implementing, and monitoring program effectiveness. This ensures that
when changes are needed, the commitment and resources necessary to improve outcomes are
available.
b
b
Image of the front cover of the VPA final report
(https://cvpcs.asu.edu/sites/default/files/content/products/TT_VPA_Final_Report.pdf) is used and adapted with
perm
ission.
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ASSESSING THE PROBLEM
Schools typically have most of the information they need to understand where, when, and how violence
is affecting students, teachers, and staff. This knowledge usually come s from records of student
behavioral incidents in which staff or even police respond to stop the violence, discipline the offending
student(s), and attend to victims. School records might include teachers’ reports of disruptive students,
students’ complaints of victimization, parents’ complaints, and any calls to the local police force.
Reports may also be available from on-site police or safety officers who might already be assigned to a
school, such as a school resource officer. When analyzing these data, it is helpful to note the places
where incidents are occurring, the time of day and day of the week, and demographic details of the
parties involved so the school can assess patterns associated with the violence. For example, violence
might be more likely before, during, or after a student assembly, when large groups of students are
interacting, and it is more difficult for staff to manage the crowd. However, violence of a sexual nature
often goes unreported and may be overlooked when simply analyzing school’s records and reports of
violence. Therefore, it is important that schools talk with students, teachers, and parents to try to
capture as complete a picture of violence in and around the school setting as possible.
TALKING WITH STUDENTS, STAFF, AND PARENTS . The picture of violence is incomplete,
howev
er, if the school does not understand the root causes or factors that lead to violence, the
relationship between victims and those committing violence, or any school or community environmental
factors that might make it easier or more difficult for violence to occur in the school. For these
reasons, it is useful for schools to also collect information directly from students, staff, and parents
through one-on-one and group dialogues focused on school safety. School authorities should use a
trauma-informed approach to collect such information. This approach requires training to ensure that
school staff can recognize and respond to individuals who have been affected by traumatic stress during
information gathering.
30 This is especially important in the case of victims of sexual violence and
harassment, because victims are often afraid to talk about their experiences, and these instances of
violence often go unnoticed by the broader community. Conversations with students, staff, and parents
should never be accusatory or focus only on those victimized by or accused of violence. School
counseling staff or outside consultants should be used to facilitate objective conversations, with the goal
of being open to understanding the factors that might underlie violence, and a commitment to hearing
from those most affected by the problem. For example, if drug activity is high in the school, violence
might result from conflict over the sale or use of drugs, or from the presence of outsiders who come on
to school property to sell drugs. These insights may not be in official records but may be common
knowledge among students. However, students may not be willing to share this information if they fear
disciplinary, legal, or even social consequences for doing so.
The relationship between groups of students may drive conflict within the school if these groups conflict
outsi
de the school in the community. If these conflicts are brought into the school, they can fuel
assaults in areas of the school that are not well-monitored (e.g., bathrooms) or where large groups of
students congregate without much adult supervision (e.g., recreation areas). During the dialogue
process, it is important for schools to identify these conflicts and avoid bringing together individuals
from rival groups. Not only will this help students feel safer, it will likely enable students to share more
details about intergroup violence and its underlying causes .
ASSESSING ENVIRONMENTAL RISK . The school should also do a walkthrough of the campus,
insid
e and outside, to examine, for example, the condition of lighting in dark areas, proper door security
in bathroom stalls, and access to the campus by unauthorized visitors. The school environment can
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create a safe and supportive place for students, staff, and parents to engage in learning, or it can place
individuals at risk if areas are not secure and easy targets of opportunity for violent behavior. Research
shows that ensuring proper lighting and security in bathrooms can greatly reduce instances of
harassment and sexual assault at school.
31
In some cases, schools may also need to obtain from the police or other community stakeholders
commun
ity data related to violence or other problems in the surrounding community that affect the
school. For example, the way students get to school may be disrupted by local construction or changes
in transportation options, and students may be encountering new conflicts on their adjusted routes to
school that boil over once they are in school, making them late and subject to punishment when they
arrive, or keeping them from coming to school altogether. If a school has a clear understanding of what
is happening inside the school as well as how the external community might be influencing student
behavior at school, the school will be well equipped to have a more comprehensive understanding of the
violence that jeopardizes school and student safety.
EXAMINING CURRENT PRACTICE . Once problem assessment is complete, schools will need to
exami
ne their current school safety policies, practices, and programs to determine the extent to which
they are effective and what can be done to improve them. Although violence is typically thought of as a
physical act, it is critical for schools to take a broader approach to ensuring school safety, which also
means ensuring social and emotional safety. Sometimes the same policy that promotes physical safety
can compromise social or emotional safety. For example, schools commonly find that violence happens
in bathrooms where students are at their most vulnerable and there is no adult supervision. If a school
installed security cameras in the bathroom, physical safety could increase, but students might feel
emotionally unsafe because their privacy has been violated. Similarly, school policies and practices that
permit harsh discipline and school removal for students at greater risk of inciting violence are likely to
make the problem worse, because students who disengage from school are at greater risk for
recruitment into gangs and other delinquent or criminal activity that perpetuates violence in the
community and in and around schools.
32
Schools can create an inventory of each current school safety policy, program, or practice with the goal
of ans
wering the following questions:
•
How does the policy/practice/program intend to prevent school violence?
• How does the policy/practice/program intend to promote school safety (physical/social/emotional)?
• Is the policy/practice/program implemented properly?
• Do students/staff/parents understand or know about the policy/practice/program?
• What is evidence of the actual effectiveness of the policy/practice/program?
• How does the (policy/practice/program) align with the research on creating safe and supportive schools?
• Have there been any unintended negative consequences of the policy/practice/program?
Students, staff, and parents can be valuable sources of insight when answering these questions, along
with a r
eview of any official data related to implementing these approaches.
Once a school completes this program, practice, and policy inventory, the school can add the results to
proble
m assessment findings to begin to understand where current approaches may be working well and
where they may be falling short of addressing school violence.
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IDENTIFYING SOLUTIONS
On any given day, schools and the systems that support them are busy implementing a variety of
academic and nonacademic programs, services, and supports. Some of these may be required by law;
others may be in place to enhance and enrich the student experience or respond to and prevent
problems. Still other practices may exist by virtue of being embedded in the history, culture, and norms
of the local setting. Many of these activities relate to school safety, such as partnerships with community
agencies to provide resources to youth and families, prevention programs to reduce bullying in the
school, or teacher training on social-emotional learning skills. Because of this, it is critical that schools
take stock of current efforts related to school safety before beginning new initiatives to see how
resources can align better and be coordinated to produce a more effective (based on student and school
outcomes) and efficient (based on the time and money required) school safety approach.
For example, if a school is offering adult education classes on the weekends to help parents improve
thei
r literacy or employability skills, the school might consider using some of that time to engage parents
in a conversation or activities related to school safety. Likewise, if police are already patrolling the
school campus or serving on a local safety committee with the school, this could provide the school
with an opportunity to redefine the police–school relationship to increase safety and strengthen police–
student relationships. Although police relationships may be more fragile in the LAC region than in other
places, it is still important that schools determine how to work with police the most collaboratively to
eliminate counterproductive and ineffective police-school practices, such as arresting students for minor
issues like skipping school, which can further disengage students from school and promote the
opportunity for involvement in violence.
Resource-sharing is another strategy that schools can investigate with sister schools that may have
similar
needs. For example, if problem diagnosis indicates that more mental health counseling is needed
for students who have already experienced violence, and a sister school is also experiencing this
problem, the two schools can share the cost of a trained therapist so both groups of students can
benefit.
To select appropriate preventive and interventional approaches to reduce students’ future risk of
viole
nce—either perpetration or victimization—it is important to understand this risk . Risk may come
from interpersonal characteristics, such as lack of impulse control, or from family dysfunction,
delinquent peers, or weak social controls (e.g., an illegitimate police force). These factors coalesce to
place youth at greater or less risk for violence. This risk can then be targeted by strategic approaches
to prevention. Schools need to understand which prevention strategies will be most effective for which
students, depending on students’ specific risks for experiencing or committing violence. Typically,
schools are implementing many academic and nonacademic programs for students, and often these
efforts are applied broadly to the entire student population. However, decades of research and
practitioner experience show that youth differ in the factors that protect them or place them at risk of
violence. Therefore, using a tiered prevention approach differentiated by student risk levels gives
schools the flexibility they need to use the most effective approaches the most efficiently. A tiered
approach to violence prevention is outlined below:
•
Primary Prevention: Strategies that seek to address the root causes of violence before it occurs are
primary prevention strategies that apply to all students. For example, research indicates that preventing low-
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 11
level student conflict, such as bullying, should focus on all students in the early grades, from prekindergarten
(pre-K, age 3) to the sixth grade (age 10– 12).
• Secondary Prevention: Secondary prevention strategies target a specific subset of students at risk for
specific types of violence. For e xample, students with excessive, unexcused absenteeism may be at greater
risk of recruitment by gangs. These students and their families can benefit from specific outreach and
engagement strategies to strengthen their connection to and involvement in scho ol.
33
• Tertiary Prevention: To prevent the most serious forms of violence, including incidents involving weapons,
programs should focus on the small minority of students who have previously engaged in such violent
behavior.
34 Schools that train teachers or other school staff to provide these tiered prevention supports have been
shown to reduce school dropout, violence, and substance use.
35 These programs also improve
relationships between teachers and students, keeping students in school and decreasing youth violence
in the community.
UNDERSTANDING CONTEXT . Effective programming in one context is not necessarily
trans
ferable to other contexts. Although specific program elements may be effective to prevent
violence where similar underlying factors are present, fidelity of implementation and other contextual
factors necessarily influence the effectiveness of interventions replicated from other areas if they are not
adapted for the new context. Therefore, it is essential to complete a problem assessment and resource
inventory before developing proposed solutions. Solutions should be tailored to a specific context,
focusing on distinctive risk factors, protective factors, and the resources available in the school or
broader community to promote a safe and supportive learning environment.
A recent study assessing the effectiveness of youth violence prevention interventions found that several
stra
tegies were effective for school-age youth. Exhibits 1–3 provide a list of tiered school-based
violence prevention strategies for youth from elementary school through the 12th grade. More detailed
information on these interventions can be found in the Resource Annex.
Exhibit 1. Primary Violence Prevention Strategies With Evidence of Effectiveness
PRIMARY PREVENTION—ALL STUDENTS
NAME HOW IT’S IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Safe Dates
• Population: males and females,
ages 11–17
• Nine 50- minute sessions, one
45-minute play, poster contest,
and parent materials
• Led by teachers and school
administrators
• Originated in the United States
• Goals: change attitudes
toward dating violence,
attain conflict
management skills,
increase awareness of
intimate partner
violence and
consequences, increase
likelihood of seeking
help, and change
gender norms and
attitudes
36
• Shown to reduce
victimization and
certain perpetration
behaviors
• Positive changes in
knowledge, attitudes,
communication
patterns, and conflict
resolution skills
37
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PRIMARY PREVENTION—ALL STUDENTS
NAME HOW IT’S IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Violence
Prevention
Academy
• Population served: males and
females, ages 16–17
• Trains school- based personnel to
develop comprehensive, tailored
violence prevention programs
• Intervention consists of training program, school-based violence
prevention plan, formal evaluation of implementation and impact
•
Originated in Trinidad and Tobago
•
Goal: use problem-
solving processes to respond to specific
issues confronting individual schools
38
• VPA was associated with a 30 percent
decrease in offending and discipline
39
Fourth R:
Skills for
Youth
Relationships
• Population: males and females,
Grades 9–12
• 21 lessons
• Led by teachers in sex-segregated
classrooms
• Curriculum is integrated into
existing instruction
• Teachers receive a 6-hour
training
• Originated in Canada
• Goals: provide youth
with instruction on
bullying, peer and
dating violence,
personal relationships,
substance use, and risky
behaviors
• Shown to decrease
perpetration of
physical and intimate
partner violence
among male students
40
Responding
in Peaceful
and Positive
Ways
• Population: males and females,
ages 10–14
• Designed for implementation
along with a peer mediation program
•
Implemented by school staff
• Originated in the United States
• Goals: teach conflict
resolution strategies and critical thinking skills
•
Key concepts: the
importance of friends and mentors, self- image
and gang- related
behaviors, the effects of environment on personal health
41
• Found to decrease
disciplinary violations
for violent behavior
and the rate of in-
school suspensions
42
Exhibit 2. Secondary Violence Prevention Strategies W ith Evidence of Effectiveness
SECONDARY PREVENTION —STUDENTS AT RISK FOR VIOLENCE AS VICTIMS OR OFFENDERS
NAME HOW IT’S IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Break the
Cycle
• Population: males and
females, ages 12–24
• 3-day interactive program
• Implemented by school staff,
youth organizations and
agencies
• Originated in the United
States
• Goals: increase
knowledge of and improve
attitudes toward legal
issues and help-seeking
• Found to improve
knowledge of laws related
to violence and to the
perception and likelihood
of seeking victim
assistance
43
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 1 3
SECONDARY PREVENTION —STUDENTS AT RISK FOR VIOLENCE AS VICTIMS OR OFFENDERS
NAME HOW IT’S IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Families
and
Students
Together
(FAST)
• Population: families with
childr
en, ages 0–18 (sessions
divided among elementary-,
middle-, and high school-age
children)
• 2.5-hour sessions held once a
week in a
n after-school
setting
• Conducted by trained people
who r
eflect the population
served
• Group sessions, one-on-one
parent–c
hild interaction time,
and parent group time
• Originated in the United
States
•
Goals: develop protective
facto
rs for children to
reduce the likelihood of
adolescent delinquency,
violence, and school
dropout: child’s
interpersonal bonds,
family system, parent-to-
parent support, parent–
peer social network,
parent empowerment, and
community support
44
• Shown to improve child
behavi
or and parenting
strategies
45
• Found to decrease family
conf
lict, increase parental
involvement in education,
improve children’s
academic performance
and behavior in school,
decrease emotional
problems at home, and
improve community social
relationships
46
Programa
de
Mediación
Escolar
• Population: males and
females, Gr ades 5–1 0
• Training for teachers,
principals, and students in
mediation
• Modification to school rules
• 14 weeks or 200 hours of
training
• Originated in Chile
• Goal: promote mediation
skills and conflict
resolution
• Perception of fights
occurring at school
decreased by 17 percent
• Perception of threats at
school decreased by
9 percent
Exhibit 3. Tertiary Violence Prevention Strategies W ith Evidence of Effectiveness
TERTIARY PREVENTION —STUDENTS ALREADY EXPERIENCING VIOLENCE AS VICTIMS OR
OFFENDERS
INTERVENTION NAME
HOW IT’S
IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Second Step: A
Violence Prevention
Curriculum
• Population: males and
females, pre- K to
middle school
• A year of weekly 25-
minute lessons
• Lessons are teacher -
led
• Originated in the
United States
• Goals: support social-
emotional learning
(SEL), reduce
aggressive and
impulsive behavior
• Middle school–age
children in a SEL
program were
42 percent less likely
to self- report physical
aggression
47
• Shown to be most
effective in reducing
bullying perpetration
48
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 1 4
TERTIARY PREVENTION —STUDENTS ALREADY EXPERIENCING VIOLENCE AS VICTIMS OR
OFFENDERS
INTERVENTION NAME
HOW IT’S
IMPLEMENTED WHAT IT DOES RESULTS
Olweus Bullying
Prevention Program
• Population: males and
females, ages 5–15
• Implemented by school
staff
• Program can be
adapted to meet
individual needs
• Core principles and
rules are integrated
into existing school
programming
• Originated in the United States
•
Goals: prevent bullying
and reduce existing bullying in elementary,
middle, and high
schools
•
Community-, school-,
class-, and individual-
level components, including community partnerships,
assemblies,
interventions, and rules
to prevent bullying
49
• Shown to be most effective in reducing
bullying perpetration
50
INEFFECTIVE AND HARMFUL APPROACHES . While reviewing the programs and practices a
schoo
l might want to implement, it is inevitable that voices may emerge in support of practices that have
been used in the past or may still be popular but that research has shown to be ineffective —or worse,
harmful to students. The two most common programs erroneously adopted by schools are the Scared
Straight and Drug Awareness Resistance Education or D.A.R.E. programs:
51
•
Scared Straight programs are typically implemented with the highest risk students and involve taking youth
into prisons or jails to speak to inmates who share stories about the horrors of prison life. Research has
consistently shown that Scared Straight programs are harmful and should not be used with students. Students
who have participated in these programs show a greater propensity to get involved in criminal activity.
52
• D.A.R.E. is a very popular school-based program in the United States, delivered to students by law
enforcement to deter drug use. Repeated evaluations of the intervention have shown that the program has no effect on student drug use. Although it may seem attractive to bring police in to schools to develop
positive relationships with students, this type of relationship-building should not be confused with programs
that will produce measurable reductions in school-based violence or drug activity that can lead to violence.
From a practice perspective, Zero -tolerance policies that swiftly remove students for the smallest
infrac
tion and send them off to police to “teach them a lesson” are equally damaging and should never
be used. Zero-tolerance policies that enact harsh discipline—for example, suspend or expel students
for minor infractions—may do more harm than good by broadly a ffecting the entire family, encouraging
less civic participation in adulthood, and incurring future financial costs in the form of high rates of arrest, incarceration, and unemployment.
53
GETTING READY TO IMPLEMENT A NEW SCHOOL SAFETY STRATEGY
Changing or developing new school safety policies, practices, or programs represents an innovation, or new way of doing thingsReadiness for change at the individual and organization precursor to the . Organizational read
defined in the literature as (1) motivation to implement an innovation; (2) general capacity, or broad
organizational characteristics applicable to any innovation (e.g., paying staff); and (3) specific capacity, or an
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 1 5
organization’s ability to deliver a specific innovation (i.e., technical skill) as designed. In the school context,
readiness can be described as specific actions that a school takes to inform; generate buy-in from; and
support staff, students, families, and community stakeholders regarding school safety efforts. Understanding
and addressing concerns about new school safety approaches and what changes may mean for individual staff,
parents, and students is critical to creating the buy-in needed to commit to behavior change.
The Concerns-Based Adoption Model (CBAM)
54 explains that organizational change is impossible until
individuals within an organization change. The CBAM identifies individual readiness for change at
different ecological levels (e.g., self, relationships, organizations), providing a complete picture of how
people and organizations (e.g., schools) are moving in alignment toward change. For comprehensive
school safety approaches to succeed, schools—including students, teachers, and staff, and the
communities in which schools operate—must collectively act to advance change. Schools can prepare
for implementing and sustaining change by:
55
•
Developing an understanding of the local context—understanding the status of efforts, their cost-
effectiveness, and how the y can contribute to the larger agenda;
• Mobilizing interest, consensus, and support among key stakeholders (e.g., identify champions); and
• Clarifying feasibility and how new practices can be institutionalized through existing, modified, or new
infrastructure and operational mechanisms.
As schools under take an innovation, they often focus exclusively on the internal environment (e.g., staff,
work p
rocesses) and rarely spend as much time preparing the external stakeholders who will benefit
from or use the innovation (e.g., clients, community) for the coming change. Emerging research indicates
that an innovation’s “fit” within the larger community context may be as equally critical to the successful
implementation of a new practice or policy as preparing the organization that is leading the change effort.
56
In the case of school safety innovations, this means that, if an innovation is to succeed and be sustained
over time, the approach must be a good fit with the community’s social, political, and cultural context, as
well as the expectations and needs of family members, community agencies, and students.
MONITORING AND IMPROVEMENT
Once a school safety plan is in place, it will have to be monitored according to specific measures that
indicate the degree to which the program is making the intended improvements. Indicators are the
desired change, for example an increase in the number of students feeling safe at school. Measures are
the specific means used to collect this information, for example through a student survey in which
students report their feelings of safety each year. For each school safety goal, there must be outcomes,
indicators, and measures to track progress and show where an innovation is on track or falling short.
For example, if a school has the goal of reducing the number of students who report being bullied in the
cafete
ria by 25 percent, there needs to be a reliable and accurate means of observing or collecting data
on incidents of bullying in the cafeteria, and of reporting on these outcomes transparently. If the data
are not reliable or results are not openly shared, staff, students, and families may question the legitimacy
of any new initiatives that are implemented and disengage from prevention efforts.
Minimally, schools should be collecting and reviewing data every year on the following:
•
School climate, or how staff, students, and parents feel about being in school. Are they supported,
engaged, and feeling connected to the school? Anonymous surveys are a good way to get honest feedback
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on school climate and school safety, along with focus groups or dialogues to have in-depth conversations
about specific school climate issues.
• School safety, or how safe students, staff, and parents feel in and around school. Are they afraid to travel
to or from school? Are they threatened, harassed, or abused while at school?
• Student discipline, or how student behavior is managed to minimize student suspensions and expulsions
and maximize student engagement and connectedness to the school, staff, and classmates. Discipline,
achievement, and engagement data should come from official school records that are as objective and
accurate as possible. These data should be analyzed according to gender, grade level, race, ethnicity, and
disability status to determine whether any systematic inequities or issues are affecting any one group of
students.
• Student engagement and achievement. What are the academic and nonacademic opportunities and
outcomes that students experience throughout the school year to engage them in prosocial and emotional
development as well as academic achievement?
SUSTAINING PREVENTION EFFORTS
The Importance of Multisector Collaboration. Preventing violence in schools is a topic that
ever
yone has an interest in, and about which many will have opinions or ideas for solutions. Because
students and their families are part of a larger community, it is also reasonable to expect that any
solutions adopted may need the support of organizations or services beyond the school itself.
Therefore, it is important to work in coordination with relevant government counterparts, the private
sector, civil society organizations, and other donors when designing strategies to address school-based
violence. Schools cannot possibly offer students and their families all the different types of supports
they need to reduce the risk for violence in and around school. For schools to have the greatest
preventive impact inside school, they need to work with other sectors outside the school setting
(e.g., health, recreation, justice) that are implementing prevention and intervention programs to benefit
students and their families. When it is part of a broader collaboration in the community, a school can
benefit from resources already in place to strengthen protective factors. For example, a local
nongovernmental organization may already be offering community-based youth mentoring services or
employment training, two types of programs that have been effective for reducing youth risk factors. If
a school does not know about these resources, it will be limited in its ability to help students who have
been assessed as at-risk for violence.
Collaboration among sectors also enables better coordination of policies and practices so that one
youth-s
erving sector is not working in opposition to another. Students interact with other systems and
sectors outside the school, and these sectors can either support what the school is trying to do to
prevent violence or create barriers to what the school is trying to accomplish.
57
For example, if a school is serving students with significant mental health needs that schools typically
cann
ot address, such as post-traumatic stress disorder, there have to be resources in the community to
provide care for these students or they will have great difficulty succeeding in school and may be prone
to repeat the violence they have experienced. When the security (e.g., police), health, and workforce
sectors collaborate effectively to create violence prevention partnerships, students can be supported more
holistically inside and outside the school, leading to more sustainable success for students and schools.
Local Commitment. A primary challenge is how to scale successful programs where there is limited
local b
uy-in outside the school or in the government, or where certain youth are seen as “lost causes” and
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 1 7
services for them are unavailable.
58 For example, some of the most effective violence prevention
programs are those that work exclusively with young people who have already committed violence
(i.e., tertiary risk); these individuals are often affiliated with criminal or street gangs. But when these
youth are trying to leave the gang and reform their lives, re-enroll in school, or apply for jobs, they are
often met with resistance from employers, landlords, and service providers, inducing the youth to return
to the gangs they are trying to leave.
59 Developing local commitment to work with all youth across the
spectrum of risk and need both inside and outside of schools is essential to sustainably reduce and
prevent violence. It should also be noted that sometimes the best intentions can have unanticipated
negative effects on student engagement and learning. For example, removing students for any type of
behavior that appears to be aggressive may create a hostile environment in the school between staff and
students and push youth out of school, only to make them more susceptible to joining street gangs or
simply losing interest in school and never completing their degree, which limits their opportunities as
adults to obtain work and develop meaningful careers.
60 Because of this, it is critical for school officials
and those designing education policy to have a clear understanding of student risk and need as well as
community and sector dynamics before adopting new programs, policies, and practices to reduce
school-based violence.
61
Creating a Broad Coalition of Stakeholders. When implementing a new initiative, it is inevitable
that
things will not go smoothly at first and people will need time to adjust to new policies, practices,
or programs. To understand how well an initiative is being implemented, what outcomes it is producing,
and how efforts can be improved, a performance monitoring and quality improvement process has to
become business as usual at a school and in the educational system that supports the school. One
means of doing this while also increasing engagement and buy -in for the new approach is to create a
school-based violence prevention plan that is managed by a broad group of school stakeholders
(e.g., parents, students, staff, community partners). It should document the results of the problem
assessment, readiness, and resource review as well as the implementation plan for the new policies,
practices, and/or programs adopted to attain the school’s safety goals. The more a school’s safety plan
connects with and ties into broader community goals for youth development and public safety, and that
these results are demonstrated through evaluation and monitoring, the more likely it is that the school’s
safety plan will be continued and supported over time.
SUMMARY
School-based violence is preventable. By using data to
identify violence drivers; consulting the research on
effective strategies; and engaging staff, students, and
families to confront the issue; an effective school-based
violence prevention plan can be put in place so students
can thrive and learn in safe, supportive environments.
The following six steps can be used to develop and
sustain a plan to prevent or reduce school-based
violence (see Exhibit 4) . These steps occur cyclically, so
the plan can be revised on a regular basis as new
priorities emerge, conditions and resources change, and
results inform learning over time.
Exhibit 4. Six Steps for School Safety
and Vio
lence Prevention
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STEP 1. CREATE A PLANNING TEAM . The planning team should be composed of members of
the s
chool community (e.g., students, families, staff) and any external stakeholders that provide services
to the school or students (e.g., recreation, health care). The team needs to be led by a person with
author
ity who can acquire the resources needed for the group to do its work (e.g., access to data,
provide meeting space) and make sure the plan is adopted.
STEP 2. EXPLORE THE DATA . The planning team will need access to data and information on
viole
nce at the school, as well as an understanding of what might be driving the violence , who is most
affected by it, and how current policies and programs are working. The data may come from official
school records on incidents of violence, but it can also come from trauma-informed conversations with
groups of students, staff, and family members, led by the planning team, to collect feedback on their
experiences with violence in the school and strategies to prevent violence.
STEP 3. PRIORITIZE NEEDS. Many issues will be revealed i
n the data exploration process but not
all will be equally important to act on. The planning team should prioritize the most important needs to
address those that are most achievable in the near term. Longer term priorities should also be
articulated by creating a timeline that shows which needs will be prioritized for action now and those
that will require more time to pursue.
STEP 4. IDENTIFY STRATEGIES THAT MEET NEEDS . Some strategies have been tested by
resear
chers to determine their effectiveness, such as those discussed in this brief; the planning team should
review these strategies to determine which ones might fit their prioritized needs. In addition to reviewing
what works, the planning team should also assess the resources required to implement strategies, such as
staff training, purchasing curricula, or partnering with organizations for necessary services.
STEP 5. ADOPT STRATEGIES AND IMPLEMENT WITH QUALITY . Effective strategies do
not im
plement themselves. Even the most heavily researched program will not succeed if it is
implemented poorly. Therefore, it is important to determine beforehand the resources needed to
implement a strategy. It is also necessary to ensure that staff, students, and families are ready for the
strategies that will be implemented. This means making sure that the strategy has buy- in at the highest
levels of the school and time is taken with staff, students, and families to engage them in the change
process so they are not caught off guard or feel targeted and have an opportunity to express their
concerns and share ideas about the impending changes. Including parents, staff, and students on the
planning team to act as champions for a strategy can be helpful as you build buy-in from the larger
school community.
STEP 6. MONITOR PERFORMANCE AND MAKE ADJUSTMENTS . There will be bumps in
the ro
ad as you implement strategies in the violence prevention plan. This is normal when implementing
something new and should not be taken to mean that the strategy is not working. It is important to
keep track of the outcomes that the strategy is intended to produce . For example, if a strategy is
designed to reduce assaults in the stairwells of a school, the planning team will want to review data on
school assaults to see whether incidents are decreasing and also communicate with students through
confidential surveys or other means to see whether they feel safer in the hallways . Applying the results
of this monitoring will strengthen the way the strategy is implemented (e.g., more training).
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 19
RECOMMENDED RESOURCES
DATA COLLECTION, CAPACITY BUILDING, AND MONITORING AND EVALUATION
• Collecting Data and Sharing Information to Improve School-Justice Partnerships (National Council of
Juvenile and Family Court Judges)
− Guidance on how to collect and use information to promote effective school–justice
partnerships.
− https://www.ncjfcj.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/NCJFCJ_SJP_Collecting-Data_Final.pdf
• The Intersector Toolkit: Tools for Cross-Sector Collaboration (The Intersector Project)
− Provides practical knowledge for practitioners in the government, business, and nonprofit
sectors to implement their own intersector initiatives.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/intersector-toolkit-tools-cross-sector-collaboration
• Measuring Bullying Victimization, Perpetration, and Bystander Experiences: A Compendium of
Assessment Tools (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention)
− Provides tools to measure a range of bullying experiences: bully perpetration, bully
victimization, bully–victim experiences, and bystander experiences.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/measuring-bullying- victimization-perpetration-and-
bystander-experiences-compendium
• Models for Change Information Sharing Toolkit (Models for Change)
− Guidance for jurisdictions on improving information and data sharing practices to improve
outcomes for youth.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/models-change-information-sharing-toolkit
• The Research Methods Knowledge Base (socialresearchmethods.net)
− Web-based textbook introducing evaluation concepts and the research process.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/research-methods-knowledge-base
• What is Being Done to Address This Issue? Resource Mapping Tool (Education Development Center)
− Resource to help potential partners identify gaps in programming, duplication of services, and
ineffective programs.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/what-being-done-address-issue-resource-mapping-tool
• Where Does Our Work Intersect? Systems Integration Tool (Education Development Center)
− Resources for building efficient and effective partnerships between organizations and service providers.
−
https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/where-does-our-work-intersect-systems-integration-
tool
EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES AND TOOLS
• Creating Conditions for Meaningful Family Engagement from Pre-K to High School (National Center
for Healthy Safe Children)
− Recommendations for educators and families interested in strengthening their family
engagement approaches and practices in schools and classrooms.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/sites/default/files/Creating-Fam-Engmnt-508.pdf
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 20
• Mass Violence and Behavioral Health (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration)
− Discusses the effects of mass violence events and behavioral health interventions commonly
used after a mass violence event
− https://www.samhsa.gov/sites/default/files/dtac/srb-mass-violence-behavioral-health.pdf
• Parent Training Programs: Insight for Practitioners (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services)
− Guidance for practitioners in making evidence- based program decisions to improve parenting
skills and prevent child maltreatment.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/parent-training- programs- insight-practitioners
• Reducing Behavioral Problems and Absenteeism (Boys Town)
− Resources and training for educators on reducing disruptive behaviors, discipline referrals, and absenteeism among students with emotional and behavior
−
https://healthysafechildren.org/grantee-field-spotlight/reducing-behavioral-problems-and-
absenteeism-among-students-emotional-and
• Stop Bullying (stopbullying.gov)
− Educational resources and tools on bullying and school violence prevention.
− https://healthysafechildren.org/resource/stop-bullying
INTERVENTIONS
• Break the Cycle
− Increase knowledge and improve attitudes toward legal issues and help-seeking.
− https://www.breakthecycle.org/
• Coaching Boys Into Men
− Change attitudes toward dating violence, increase awareness of intimate partner violence and consequences, change gender norms and attitudes, teach the bystander approach.
−
https://www.coachescorner.org/
• Families and Students Together (FAST)
− Develop protective factors for children to reduce the likelihood of adolescent delinquency, violence, and school dropout.
−
https://www.familiesandschools.org/what -we-do/fast-program/
• Fourth R: Skills for Youth Relationships
− Provide youth with instruction on bullying, peer and dating violence, personal relationships, substance use, and risky behaviors.
−
https://youthrelationships.org/
• Full-Day School Reform
− Increasing the amount of time students spend in school leads to fewer opportunities for youth
to engage in risky behaviors. Studies in Chile found increasing the school day by 30 percent
decreased the number of violent youth victimization crimes and perpetration
62 and also
decreased the rate of adolescent pregnancy.
63
− https://escholarship.org/content/qt15t9s52x/qt15t9s52x.pdf
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• Olweus Bullying Prevention Program
− Prevent bullying and reduce existing bullying in elementary, middle, and high schools.
− http://www.violencepreventionworks.org/public/olweus_bullying_prevention_program.page
• Perry Preschool Program
− Increase academic opportunities for at-risk youth, and help parents become more actively
involved in their children’s education to increase parent-c hild bonding.
− https://highscope.org/our-practice/preschool-curriculum/
• Programa de Mediación Escolar
− Promote mediation skills and conflict resolution.
− https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s00038-016-0909-6
• Responding in Positive and Peaceful Ways
− Teaches conflict resolution strategies and critical thinking skills
− https://www.nationalgangcenter.gov/spt/programs/106
• Safe Dates
− Change attitudes toward dating violence, attain conflict management skills, increase awareness
of intimate partner violence and consequences, increase the likelihood of seeking help, and
change gender norms and attitudes.
− https://www.hazelden.org/web/public/safedates.page
• Second Step: A Violence Prevention Curriculum
− Support social-emotional learning (SEL), and reduce aggressive and impulsive behavior.
− https://www.secondstep.org/
• Violence Prevention Academy
− Teach problem-solving processes to respond to specific issues confronting individual schools.
− https://cvpcs.asu.edu/content/trinidad-tobago-v iolence-prevention-a cademy
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE EDUCATION SECTOR | 22
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Adamson, R. M., Mckenna, J. W., & Mitchell, B. (2019). Supporting all students: Creating a tiered
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39 Campie, P., Tanyu, M., & Udayakumar, C. (2019). What Works to Prevent Lethal Youth Violence in the LAC
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De Koker, P., Mathews, C., Zuch, M., Bastien, S., & Mason-Jones, A. J. (2014). A Systematic Review of
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41 National Gang Center. Responding in Peaceful and Positive Ways (RiPP). Retrieved from
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42 Farrell, A. D., Meyer, A. L., Sullivan, T. N., & Kung, E. M. (2003). “Evaluation of the Responding in
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44 Families and Schools Together (FAST). (2020). Program Basics. Retrieved from
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45 Altafim, E. R., & Linhares, M. B. (2016). Universal violence and child maltreatment prevention
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STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 28 USAID.GOV
ISSUE BRIEF
STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA:
A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR
Authors: Lainie Reisman, Crime and Violence Specialist; Arturo Cervantes Trejo, Universidad Anahuac ,
Mexico; Isaac Deneb Castaneda, Universidad Anahuac, Mexico; and Yemile Mizrahi, Democracy International
Acknowledgments
Thank you to Wendi Carman, Patricia Campie, Thomas De Hoop, Adria Molotsky, Elyse Shaw, and Chandler Hill
for thei
r contributions to this brief.
INTRODUCTION
During the past decade, several countries in Latin
America and the Caribbean (LAC;
Venezuela, Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Jamaica) have made the list of the 10 most violent
countries in the world. Although this region represents only 8.5 percent of the global population, it
accounts for an estimated 30 percent of the world’s homicides.
1,2 Such heightened levels of violence are
often referred to as an epidemic, which in public health and medicine parlance is the rapid spread of an
infectious disease to a large number of people in a given population within a short period of time.
3,4
Responding to elevated rates of violence, the past 30 years have witnessed a major paradigm shift in the
field o
f violence prevention, from the assumption that violence was inevitable to the recognition that
violence is an infectious disease that is both contagious and preventable. Researchers and practitioners
around the globe have recognized that violent acts tend to occur in clusters, to spread from place to
place, and to transform in cycles from one type of violence to another.
Prevention efforts around the world, including in many Latin American countries, began increasingly to
adopt t
he public health approach and to apply epidemiologic methods, which ar e based on scientific
evidence. These methods include not only the quantitative, qualitative, and spatial understanding of the
problem, as well as its causes and risk factors, but also an understanding of what works for violence
prevention. The public health epidemiologic approach also includes rigorous experimental and quasi-
experimental evaluations to assess the effectiveness of different programs and preventive interventions.
Violence is the leading cause of death among men between the ages of 15 and 59 in the LAC region,
with h
omicides and suicides accounting for 57 percent of overall mortality rates. Moreover, the LAC
region has the highest rate of femicide (violence against women and girls) in the world, with more than
3,500 women age 15 and older killed across the region in 2018 because of their gender.
5 However,
“We need to treat gun violence like an epidemic.”
– John Hickner, MD, MSc Editor-in-Chief
of The Journal of Family Practice
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 29
these high death rates capture only a small snapsho t of violence as a whole. In a recent study for the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID)/Mexico conducted by Anáhuac University,
a leading public health private research institution, researchers found that for each homicide committed,
there were an estimated two rapes, two disabling injuries, 17 physical injuries, 30 hospitalizations, and
300 medical care consultations, concentrated among youth.
6 This tip-of-the-iceberg phenomenon
indicates that, although homicides (including femicides) are the most visible and therefore quantifiable
violence data points, the number is eclipsed by the significant number of nonfatal injuries—and by the
physical, emotional, and social trauma—leading to enormous costs and long -term consequences.
According to the stud ies based on the
Caribbean Adolescent Health Survey—published in 2000 and never
updated since then— and on the Global School-based Student Health Survey published by the World Health
Organization (WHO), for each person murdered, an estimated 20 to 40 youth are admitted to the hospital
with serious violence-related injuries.
7 Further, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) estimates
that for every child and adolescent who dies from violence-
violence.
8 With respect to nonlethal youth violence, primary concerns include child abuse, physical fighting,
bullying, and sexual violence. According to the Global School -based Student Health Survey conducted between
2003 and 2013, nonlethal youth violence is most prevalent in Bolivia, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, and
Jamaica.
9 Results of the Caribbean Adolescent Health Survey conducted in 1997 indicate that by the age range
of 16 to 18, one in five young people have been physically abused.
10 Adolescents are the most affected by
violence in every form, suffering not only from physical injuries but also from sexual abuse, neglect, emotional
and verbal abuse, threats, sexual assault, and other forms of psychological abuse.
This brief acts as a guide to help key stakeholders in the health sector —such as government agencies,
healt
hcare workers, community leaders, and those who work with and support youth and their families—
understand the effects of youth violence on the health sector and how the health sector can respond.
IMPACT OF YOUTH VIOLENCE IN THE HEALTH SECTOR
Consequences of victimization, perpetration, and general exposure: Beyond death and injury,
violence increases the risk, among both victims and offenders, of smoking, alcohol and drug abuse, physical
inactivity, and higher stress levels. Evidence also indicates that youth and children exposed to violence have
higher rates of mental illness as well as heart disease, diabetes, and cancer.
11 Furthermore, among both
victims and offenders, infectious diseases such as the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and sexually
transmitted disease, are more prevalent among victims and perpetrators of violence.
Exposure to violence in childhood and youth typically engenders a negative feedback cycle that results in
higher
risk for violent behaviors in the future. The association between youth violence and health risk
behaviors may be reciprocal, given that adolescents with health problems more often tend to be victims
of violence, while violence in turn leads to more health problems. In the LAC region , as in the world as
a whole, violence and mental illness are not synonymous; however, they may be interconnected in many
ways. Youth violence can result in negative mental health impacts that affect victims, perpetrators, and
healthcare providers. Youth violence is associated with direct mental health problems such as post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression and anxiety disorders, and addiction disorders.
Furthermore, families, friends, and community members of victims and perpetrators may be affected and
may require support. And because exposure to interpersonal violence increases a person’s lifelong
vulnerability to a broad range of emotional, behavioral, and physical health problems, it has a significant
overall impact on healthcare expenditures—and indirectly on local and national economies—thereby
stunting development, increasing inequality, and eroding human capital.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 30
Weakened public health sector: Violence both directly and indirectly affects the health sector in
Latin American countries, in diverse and significant ways, particularly as it depletes scarce healthcare
resources and places undue stress on health sector organizations . The LAC region has only a small
number of hospitals, clinics, doctors, and equipment; thus, the healthcare sector struggles to provide
care to victims of violence while providing other healthcare services. Meager financial and human
resources allocated by the state and supplemented by private sources, which are already stretched thin,
are exacerbated by widespread corruption and inefficiency in state health services. When health
equipment and supplies are depleted, other forms of healthcare are compromised. The costs of treating
violence- related injuries are high, and this is particularly true for gunshot wounds that require much
more complicated and costly procedures and often involve multiple healthcare specialists.
While treatment for physical violence is limited, mental health and sexual violence support services
(e.g.,
rape kits, sexual health counseling) throughout the region are minimal. This is a premier concern
given that being a victim of violence is a major risk factor for perpetrating violence.
12 Several
epidemiological studies in the region have shown a consistent prevalence of 18–25 percent of mental
disorders in communities, and 12–29 percent of diagnosed or diagnosable conditions are detected in
children and adolescents.
13 However, services for mental health are severely limited. According to the
World Bank, less than 2 percent of the overall health budgets in Latin America are dedicated to mental
health,
14 which contrasts with Europe, where, for example, investments in England are approximately
13 percent.
15 In terms of human resources, WHO notes that in 2014–2016, high-income countries had
rates of psychiatrists 120 times greater and for nurses more than 75 times greater than low-income
countries.
16 As the health sector struggles to provide basic care services and is severely underfunded
and understaffed to provide mental health services, it is often unable to contribute to violence
prevention and reduction strategies, including more sophisticated data collection and analysis, or
referrals to other sectors (e.g., coordination with the police and justice sector for criminal cases).
Impacts of violence on healthcare and
other g
overnment sector professionals:
Violence affects all aspects of the healthcare
system, particularly those who provide clinical
services and interact with the public and
patients, such as first responders and trauma
care providers. In some countries, it is not
uncommon for healthcare workers to receive
threats, or in extreme cases, to become victims
of physical violence and even get killed when
caught in both the literal and figurative crossfire
of competing gang interests. Healthcare
workers regularly exposed to victims and
perpetrators of violence experience higher
rates of mental health issues (e.g., PTSD,
depression, anxiety, addiction disorders) that
can be debilitating.
17 Health professionals who
are well trained in
management of violence and its consequences
can contribute to the appropriate management
of dangerous behaviors and min
Recommendations of World Health Organization
World Report on Violence and Health
1. Create, implement, and monito
r National Action
Plans for violence prevention;
2. Enhance national, state, and local
capacities for
collecting data on violence;
3. Define priorities for, and support research on, the
caus
es, consequences, costs, and prevention of
violence;
4. Promote primary prevention responses;
5. Strengthen responses for victims of violence;
6. Int
egrate violence prevention into social and
educat
ional policies, and thereby promote gender
and social equality;
7. Increase collaboration and exchange of information
on vio
lence prevention;
8. Promote and monitor adherence to international
treati
es, laws, and other mechanisms to protect
human rights; and
9. Seek practical, internationally agreed responses to
the gl
obal drugs trade and the global arms trade.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 31
patients, their families, mental health workers, and the community. However, such training is severely
constrained by the overall lack of resources.
In addition, the police and criminal justice service providers are affected by violence as they witness violent
acts
firsthand and are vulnerable to sustaining physical and emotional wounds. They also can be threatened by
gang members, other police officers, and members of criminal organizations, which can impact mental health.
HEALTH SECTOR RESPONSE TO Y OUTH VIOLENCE
The global health sector has made important analytical contributions to the field of violence prevention,
using its leadership and talent, and placing science and evidence at the forefront of research, program
design, and program evaluation. From the outset, as is the case with other public health threats, the
effort has been multidisciplinary, with strong collaboration with the education, criminal justice, and
urban development sectors, among others. While the health sector has the primary role of providing
healthcare services, it also plays a vital role as a leader in surveilling, researching, and monitoring
violence prevention interventions. WHO´s 2002 World Report on Violence and Health, although not
updated since it was originally published, continues to be an important reference and guide to violence
prevention, offering nine key actions to reduce violence:
18
1. Create, implement, and monitor National Action Plans for violence prevention;
2. Enhance national, state, and local capacities for collecting data on violence;
3. Define priorities for, and support research on, the causes, consequences, costs, and prevention of violence;
4. Promote primary prevention responses;
5. Strengthen responses for victims of violence;
6. Integrate violence prevention into social and educational policies, and thereby promote gender and
social
equality;
7. Increase collaboration and exchange of information on violence prevention;
8. Promote and monitor adherence to international treaties, laws, and other mechanisms to protect
human ri
ghts; and
9. Seek practical, internationally agreed responses to the global drugs trade and the global arms trade.
Similarly, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in the United States has become a
referen
ce point for learning about youth violence, especially the risk and protective factors at different
levels of the socio-ecological model, research on prevention initiatives and results, and indicators of
youth violence.
19
Yet many of the contributions of the health sector to the field of prevention have been on the analytical
front.
In the United States and the broader LAC region, it has been difficult to bring health agencies to
the table to work on violence prevention in communities—especially prevention of lethal violence or
intervention with higher risk populations. Many health sector workers do not fully appreciate the
important role they can play in prevention and view the provision of treatment as their only obligation.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 32
For illustrative purposes and simplification, we divide
the core functions of the health sector for violence
prevention into three areas (see Exhibit 1):
a
a
The IEC, HSS, and PVP triad was conceptualized by Dr. Jonathan Mann, a visionary physician and scientist who
highli
ghted the critical links between human rights and public health and who pioneered early AIDS research in the 1980s.
• Information, education, and communication
(IEC);
•
Health and social services (HSS) ; and
•
Multisectoral collaboration: Partnerships for
viol
ence prevention (PVP).
Exhibit 1. Health Sector Core Functions Triad
INFORMATION, EDUCATION, AND
COMMUNICATION
According to WHO, the operational definition of
information, education, and communication
reinforcing health-
defined period of time, through communication methods and principles.”
20 IEC has information at its
core; therefore, epidemiologic surveillance is the starting point of the public health approach. The
collection of precise data regarding the five W s (what, who, where, when, and why) concerning a violent
episode is the first responsibility of the healthcare sector. This is done through diverse data collection
methodologies (quantitative and qualitative) and draws from the broad resources and geographic
coverage of health workers. Indeed, given its presence at all levels, the health sector is uniquely
positioned to collect unbiased data, often with minimal additional costs, largely related to training.
These data also form the foundation for measuring the results and impacts of interventions (see the
Measuring Results section later in this brief ). A key aspect of this analytical approach is the construction
of solid data collection methodologies, data information systems, and robust monitoring systems to use
evidence as the basis for making informed decisions and designing new interventions. It should be noted
here that epidemiologic surveillance data may not include psychological violence that goes unreported
(e.g., threats, intimidation, harassment) or situations in which victims do not seek medical attention for
gender-specific physical violence such as sexual assault .
Typically, within the government apparatus, violence and injury information and monitoring systems are
situa
ted within health sector units that conduct epidemiological observation and investigation, drawing
almost exclusively on public health data. In some countries in the LAC region, epidemiological data are the
only reliable source of information available to measure the incidence and impacts of violence.
Epidemiological surveillance also helps to validate, contrast, or complement the statistics of other relevant
sectors, particularly criminal data collected by security forces. While health sector data do not provide a
complete overview of violence, these types of data are often the least politicized—and, thus, more
reliable—and can also serve to validate, contrast, or complement the statistics of other sectors.
21
One of the longest standing best practices of epidemiologic surveillance for violence prevention has
opera
ted in the Caribbean region since the 1990s, when violence was recognized in Jamaica as a major
public health problem and the leading cause of injuries and death, especially among young people. With
the leadership of the Jamaican Ministry of Health and assistance from the CDC and the University of the
West Indies, a violence-related injury surveillance system was established: the Jamaican Injury
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 33
Surveillance System (JISS). To date, this system collects demographic data, information on the
causes of and circumstances surrounding injuries, geographic locations of incidents, victim–perpetrator
relationships, and patient discharge statuses from individuals who use emergency department (ED)
services. Through JISS, Jamaican health professionals can use data on violence-related injuries to inform
planning and prevention efforts.
VIOLENCE OBSERVATORIES . Violence and injury monitoring systems situated within the public
healt
h sector contribute to broader multisectoral information systems, collectively called violence
observatories. Violence observatories are
centers of continuous monitoring, integration,
and data analysis that typically integrate data
from health services, the police, the press, and
other local partners. The objective is to
generate specialized information and knowledge
as major inputs for local decision making and
generation of evidence-based policies.
22 There
are many modalities of violence prevention
observatories at the local, regional, and national
levels that draw public, private, or mixed funding
and over a hundred local observatories around
the globe.
Cali, Colombia, was the site of one of the first violence observatories with the establishment in 1993 of
the Sy
stem of Surveillance of Deaths of External Causes (SVMCE, in its Spanish acronym). Through
epidemiologic surveillance and application of public health methods (reliable data, risk factor
identification, design and delivery of solutions, evaluation), data emerged indicating that night- time
alcohol consumption and the presence of guns were common contributing factors to high homicide
rates. Learning from these data, t he city restricted alcohol sale hours and instituted stronger firearm
controls and witnessed a 35 percent reduction in homicides after these policy changes took effect. The
initial weekly interagency meetings that were held to verify the surveillance data later evolved into the
robust, multisectoral Cali Security
Observatory. Of critical importance to its
success was the technical support and
accompaniment of a neutral, academic body: in
this case, the CISALVA Institute of the
University del Valle in Cali. The Cali model has
served as a reference point for scores of other
similar initiatives including Bogotá (Colombia),
Ciudad Juárez and Coahuila (Mexico), Diadema
(Braz
il), and Kingston (Jamaica), among others.
In particular, the work from the Ciu dad Juárez
Observatory in Mexico is cited as contribut ing
to a 94 percent reduction in homicides between
2010 and 2015 (from a rate of 282 per 100,000
people to 18 per 100,000).
24
EDUCATION AND COMMUNICATION. Once information is obtained from epidemiologic
surve
illance and from violence observatories, education and communication strategies are key elements
Citizen Security and Coexistence Observatory
of the Municipality of Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua,
Mexi
co
Applying the public health approach and operating out
of the A
utonomous University of Ciudad Juárez (UACJ,
the Obser
vatory helped provide the data that fed into
the design and implementation of a multisectoral
program based on the public health framework called
Todos Somos Juarez (TSJ). The federal, state, and
muni
cipal government worked alongside civil society
and the private sector to design a comprehensive
program that included increased investment for
security, but also for prevention.
Citizen Engagement in Diadema, Brazil
The city of Diadema in Brazil had a homicide rate of
100 per 100,000 in 2000. Through prevention efforts informed by surveillance and accompanied by IEC, b y
2002, the homicide rate in Diadema had declined by
44% and assaults against women had dropped by 56%.
23
Alarmed by the loss of life due to violence, academics
worked with public officials to study the causes of violence
and found alcohol abuse to be among the main factors.
Diadema’s authorities began an intensive IEC effort and
passed a law to restrict the availability of alcohol after
11 p.m. This “dry law” was strictly enforced by police, and
civilians participated as watchdogs who were instrumental
in reporting violations.
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of the public health response and an important health sector entry point. In order for scientifically
driven violence prevention efforts to occur, the health sector must convert data into accessible
information and then widely disseminate it. Such education and communication initiatives are largely
concerned with individual behavior change or reinforcement, changes in social or community norms, and
public health education. They seek to empower people vis -à-vis their health actions and to garner social
and pol
itical support for those actions by attempting to change or reinforce a set of behaviors.
25,26
Traditionally, key education and communication mechanisms have include d posters, flyers, leaflets,
brochur
es, booklets, messages for health education sessions, and radio or TV broadcast spots (among
others) as a means of promoting desired behaviors in the community. More modern approaches can
focus on social media, for example, by involving key figures or “influencers” whom youth have identified
as role models and inviting those individuals to share messages that support positive attitudinal change
and behavior modification. Social media can help reach a greater number of people at a relatively low
cost. In addition to producing content, the health sector can help distribute information in its facilities.
In all cases, health sector service providers need to be trained to use IEC strategies.
Guiding Principles for Information, Education, and Communication Strategies
1. The healthcare sector should strengthen its capacity to collect, analyze, and disseminate information to
cont
ribute directly to prevention at the l ocal, state, and national levels by informing policymakers, service
providers, and prevention program implementers.
2. Health surveillance systems must collect data from various primary, secondary, and tertiary sources. For
examp
le, mortality data can be collected from death certificates and vital statistics registries as well as from
coroners’ offices or from the medical examiners responsible for performing autopsies.
3. Violence observatories can enable early identification of emerging problems in specific geographic areas,
facil
itating the establishment of appropriate interventions. Data from observatories are also useful for
identifying priorities in prevention initiatives, identifying individuals at higher risk of experiencing or
perpetrating violence, and helping to evaluate interventions and monitor trends.
4. There are many documented EIC models in LAC and from technical assistance providers that can provide
resou
rces to support the implementation of surveillance systems and data collection mechanisms.
5. The health sector plays a key role in educating the public about violence prevention and disseminating
releva
nt information.
HEALTH AND SOCIAL SERVICES
The healthcare sector has the mandate and responsibility to guarantee the availability of services to
properly -
long-term care through first contact services, immediate prehospital care, emergency units, and hospital
or outpatient service. Models of care that have been tested in high-income countries outline basic
standards of training and certification of personnel and include regulations and manuals that detail the
quality delivery of services.
27 These models have resulted in the design, implementation, and supervision
of basic treatment standards and protocols for victims of violence. Equipment regulations and manuals
have been designed to organize and operate victims’ services. Data collection and analysis tools have been
tested and implemented, including an emphasis on data sharing and coordination with other sectors.
Trauma care is a critical area of violence-related health services. This is particularly the case with gun
viole
nce, since the timeliness of trauma care received and the quality of the surgical equipment and
specialists available are key to determining the chances of survival during the first 60 minutes after the
incident (known as the “golden hour”). Access to timely and quality surgical procedures is also a key
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 35
determinant as to whether victims will endure severe, long-term harm. Low-cost and sustainable
improvements can be made in trauma care by training first responders and medical staff involved in
caring for victims of violence, as well as better organizing existing resources and equipment.
Examples of Successful Trauma Care Projects
Proyecto Sanando Heridas, El Salvador
The project Sanando Heridas, implemented by Glasswing International in El Salvador, is a proven intervention that
works with victims of trauma. Working throughout public sector hospitals, Sanando Heridas provides training for
healthcare workers and operates through a community referral process with close to 40 local service
organizations. An impact evaluation (see https://glasswing.org/es/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/ESSanando-Heridas-
INFORME-FINAL-1.pdf) shows a 30 pe
rcent reduction in recidivism.
Urban Youth Trauma Center (UYTC) program (Chicago, USA)
Developed by the department of p sychiatry of the University of Illinois, the UYTC program promotes and
disseminates comprehensive, integrated, and coordinated care for multiproblem, high-risk youth affected by
trauma and community violence. This program has shown that h ealthcare providers can utilize trauma
screening and assessment tools, learn about the services available, spread the word about the resources available, and connect youth and families to services. Among its main recommendations is to involve the mental
health professionals in supporting parents and caregivers and in promoting activities that support relationship
building for families.
In addition to providing health services to patients, the health sector plays a key role in offering
prevention services through its broad networks.
28 For example, EDs are well positioned to intervene
with victims of sexual violence, including the conduct of exams that can produce important evidence for
holding a perpetrator accountable in court. EDs can also respond to acts of youth violence: they can
identify, contact , and track youth at high risk for continued violence by tailoring an emergency response
and suggesting longer term referrals and follow-up treatment. Another of its functions is to initiate
multifaceted interventions to provide broad case management services, strengthen adult support to
build resiliency to risk exposure, and refer youth to community resources.
29
Pediatric primary care is another natural point of entry for addressing youth violence, especially for
scre
ening and early interventions to promote protective factors that can limit the need for expansive
care in later life.
30 Surveys indicate that most pediatricians believe they should play an important role in
the prevention of youth violence; however, many pediatricians feel poorly prepared to systematically
detect and treat forms of violence other than child abuse.
31 The American Academy of Pediatrics has
been a pioneer in pediatric violence prevention services.
32 For example, its “Connected K ids: Safe,
Strong, Secure” program has resulted in the generation of 21 brochures to help guide parents, patients,
and medical professionals in identifying violence risk factors and promoting prevention.
33 This initiative
engages pediatricians in the prevention of youth violence by providing resources to help them promote
and reinforce positive parenting skills and engage in the systematic detection and timely referral of
potential victims. Pediatricians are also equipped with the knowledge to identify symptoms and behavior
related to intimate partner violence in teenagers, as well as to provide information on reproductive
health and to refer patients to services such as daycare centers, neighborhood community centers, HIV
treatment and prevention, and alcohol and drug abuse rehabilitation services.
34
Adolescent mental healthcare is a delicate subject compared to other health services because
childr
en and adolescents seldom decide for themselves to seek out health services for emotional
problems. Often, they require trained individuals to detect some disorders that can be subjective and
internal.
35
In the LAC region, trained individuals and experts are not readily available. Furthermore, there
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 36
are many barriers to mental healthcare provision for youth, including limited transportation, financial
resources, and the associated stigma.
36,37
Because adolescent psychiatrists are rare outside developed
countries, the integration of child and adolescent mental health within primary healthcare provision is an
essential part of any approach. With the right support and orientation, pediatricians, speech and language
pathologists, and family practitioners have a role to play in adolescent mental healthcare. Community
volunteers and promoters can also be supported in providing services to youth.
38
With the rise in organized cr
ime throughout the LAC region, the health sector must adapt to new
challenges in providing care. Because of its complexity and scope, prevention and management of
organized crime requires strategies that depend directly on institutions in charge of justice and security.
While the primary response is one focused on security, the health sector continues to play an important
role in the victims’ care and referrals to adequate mental health treatment or rehabilitation services.
The healthcare sector must also channel relevant clinical data to security sector actors.
Guiding Principles for the P rovision of Health and S ocial Services
1. Health professionals can serve as powerful advocates for policies that support youth development and
reduc
e violence risk factors as well as provide care for violence related injuries.
2. The provision of specialized training to health service providers to both detect and treat violence- related
traum
a can contribute to the improved efficacy of these services and help reduce violence- related deaths
and long-term disabilities.
3. The establishment or improvement of medical–legal protocols to attend to cases of violence can help
reduce r
evictimization and, at the same time, improve coordination between health services and law
enforcement agencies.
4. Pediatricians can help reduce youth violence by educating families and serving as community resources.
In add
ition, with appropriate training, pediatricians can provide adolescent mental healthcare.
5. To carry out actions aimed at reducing violence through social and clinical care, healthcare professionals
requir
e continuous training.
6. Victims’ assistance should be inclusive, provided on a nondiscriminatory basis, gender and age sensitive,
trans
parent, and accountable, and should be provided through an integrated approach across syste ms.
MULTISECTORAL COLLABORATION: PARTNERSHIPS FOR VIOLENCE PREVENTION
The public health sector does not work in isolation. On the contrary, it is only by pursuing a
multisectoral approach that prevention initiatives can have a broad and long-
of the brief focuses on the role that the health sector has played, and should continue to play, in
conjunction with other actors at all levels (local, municipal, national, and global). For the purposes of
this brief, the authors have identified four critical areas in which PVP s form the foundation for the
attainment of prevention objectives:
1. Public policy: In conjunction with other actors, the health sector plays a role in designing
comp
rehensive public policies as well as in appealing to the legislature for the funding of such policies.
2. Implementation of prevention initiatives: Insights from the health sector, such as
epide
miological approaches, help inform the design of multisectoral initiatives. These include
coordination for referrals to other relevant sectors.
3. Communication and knowledge management: In addition to its own public awareness
campaign
s, the health sector plays a critical role as a neutral actor to help raise public awareness of
the efficacy of prevention, and it serves as a repository and provider of relevant data.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 37
4. Training and capacity building: By introducing other actors to data collection methods and
provi
ding training on all aspects of violence prevention, including the identification and treatment of
victims, the public health sector plays an important role in bringing prevention to the attention of
other actors, particularly those in citizen security (i.e., law enforcement and justice officials), who
frequently focus on control and suppression.
Partnerships are perhaps most easily formed at the local or community levels , through which
resid
ents know one another and confront the same day- to-day realities. At the community level, local
leaders typically help lead prevention efforts, not necessarily state actors. A good example of local-level
partnership is Cure Violence, known in some places as CeaseFire. Launched in Chicago, but
implemented in LAC as well, Cure Violence uses a methodology that is strongly rooted in the role of
the public health sector and disease control strategies adapted to reducing and preventing viole nce,
namely: (a) detecting and interrupting conflicts; (b) identifying and treating the highest risk individuals;
and (c) changing social norms.
Community partnerships undergird the success of Cure Violence. Trained violence “interrupters” and
outre
ach workers prevent violence by identifying and mediating potentially lethal conflicts in the
community and following up to ensure that the conflict does not reignite. Trained, culturally
appropriate outreach specialists work with the highest risk youth, talking with them about the costs of
violence and helping them obtain the social services they need, such as job training and drug treatment.
Workers engage leaders in the community as well as community residents, local business owners, faith
leaders, service providers, and high-risk individuals, conveying the message that the residents, groups,
and community do not support the use of violence. Coordination efforts occur at the local level with
the police, schools, prisons, courts, parks, social services, and community health representatives.
39 The
Cure Violence Hospital Response Program partners with local hospital trauma centers to provide a
comprehensive response whenever a gunshot, stabbing, or blunt-trauma victim arrives at the hospital.
Cure Violence works in 10 U.S. cities and
15 cou
ntries worldwide.
40 The Cure Violence
host countries in LAC include Mexico,
El Salvador, Colombia, Honduras, Jamaica,
Trinidad and Tobago, Brazil, and Puerto Rico.
Independent evaluations showed the following
results: i n Puerto Rico, a 50 percent reduction
in homicides; in Trinidad and Tobago, a
45 percent reduction in violent crime, a
38 percent reduction in gunshot wound
admissions, and a reduction in calls to police.
In Honduras, more than 1,000 potentially lethal
conflicts have been interrupted since 2013, with
site data indicating an 88 percent reduction in shootings and homicides and official data showing an
80 percent reduction in Cure Violence communities. However, rigorous study of Cure Violence is rare,
and most of the independent research on this strategy has produced only modest and sometimes mixed
results, with implementation quality tied to outcomes.
41
At the citywide or municipal level, partnerships provide additional resources and expertise to
confro
nt and prevent violence. The global standard in municipal- level interventions is based on the role
of data, typically collected and analyzed by violence observatories, as detailed previously in the IEC
FICOSEC Juárez
Having lived through the insecurity crisis in Ciudad
Juárez, a
nd with data provided by the public health
secto
r and others, in 2012 the business community in
Ciudad Juárez established the Fideic
omiso para la
Comp
etitividad y Seguridad Ciudadana (FICOSEC, Juarez),
funded
through an agreed-upon 5 percent payroll tax.
Funds support a wide range of programs, including
health-related interventions for training youth health
promotors as well as for community mental health
service provision. For more information, go to
www.ficosec.org.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 38
section of this brief. The observatories, often led by the mayor, rely heavily on data provided by both
the public health sector and law enforcement actors. The Todos Somos Juárez (TSJ) initiative,
impleme
nted in Ciudad Juárez , Mexico, beginning in 2010, is a relevant example. During the first stage
of implem
entation, the National Council for Accident Prevention of the Ministry of Health coordinated
multisectoral work and initiated the data collection and analysis at the core of the program. In
subsequent phases, the health sector, in partnership with other actors, implemented more than
60 interventions—such as breathalyzer application and training with the police, and mental health and
addiction service provision with local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and service providers.
While TSJ benefited from significant federal resources, the private business sector played a pivotal
leaders
hip role in addition to providing complementary resources. Shortly after TSJ began, homicide
rates fe
ll dramatically between 2010 and 2016, although the rates have since risen and there has been no
independent study tying the causal effect of TSJ to violence levels.
42
A wide range of initiatives at the national level
can bring
together key stakeholders for violence
prevention. Perhaps the most successful
initiatives are those that receive government
support, often through the health sector. For
example, in the United States, the CDC, under
the Department of Health and Human Services,
has taken a leadership role in bringing together
practitioners, state actors, service providers,
and academics to design integrated strategies
to prevent youth violence. In 1979, when the U.S. Surgeon General identified violence as one of
15 priority areas for the nation, the U.S. health sector began to create a structure to support external
research programs, engaging academics and other stakeholders in violence prevention, and to provide
leadership among multisectoral actors. Today, the National Center for Injury Prevention and Control,
established by the CDC, focuses on four key areas: (a) childhood and adolescence, to achieve long-term
impact; (b) populations and communities at the highest risk for experiencing or perpetrating violence;
(c) shared risk and protective factors that are most important for reducing multiple forms of violence;
and (d) identification, implementation, and scaling up of approaches that have cross-cutting impact.
Other relevant examples include the National Crime Prevention Council under the Department of
Justice
, and the Forum on Global Violence Prevention within the National Academies of Sciences,
Engineering, and Medicine. Both entities benefit from the support of diverse public, private, and NGOs
such as the Packard Foundation, Uber, and Merck. Other foundations also specifically target violence
reduction as a priority area, for example, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation and the Rockefeller
Foundation—the latter through its 100 Resilient Cities program.
43
As noted previously, at the global level , WHO and PAHO have taken leadership roles in violence
preventi
on. In 2002, WHO published the groundbreaking World Report on Violence and Health and
launched the Global Campaign for Violence Prevention, with eight progress reports published since its
inception. In 2004, the Violence Prevention Alliance was formed by a network of WHO Member States,
international agencies, and civil society organizations (CSOs) working to prevent violence.
44 Similarly,
WHO and its Member States have facilitated several other initiatives; for example, INSPIRE focuses on
violence against children, and RESPECT works to prevent violence against women.
National Centers of Excellence in Youth
Violence Prevention (YVPC)
Since 2000, CDC has recognized 17 academic
institut
ions as YVPCs and has funded activities including
research, community mobilization, mentorships and
training, and implementation of violence prevention
initiatives. Several of these centers, including one at the
University of California–Irvine, have provided support
to initiatives throughout LAC.
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 39
Guiding Principles for Partnerships for Implementation of Violence Prevention Programs
1. Partnerships are the foundation for successful violence prevention initiatives at all levels and must be
esta
blished to inform the design of interventions and then strengthened to implement and evaluate initiatives.
2. The health sector historically has been the convener of partnerships in the violence prevention sphere and
shou
ld design outreach strategies to work with other sectors.
3. Implementation of effective public policies, particularly in the LAC region, requires the health sector to
advo
cate and work in conjunction with other powerful actors (such as the justice sector) while using its
neutrality and proximity to communities to garner the support of the population.
4. Trust between sectors is a prerequisite for creating a shared vision to reduce violence and collaborate on
the pla
nning, implementation, and evaluation of prevention strategies.
5. With respect to violence prevention, the role of the private sector, typically an impo
rtant factor in
healthcare provision, should not be overlooked nor understated given its resources and influence.
6. Academic institutions, in addition to conducting research, can serve as repositories of information over
time a
nd help integrate violence prevention into key curricula.
HOW DO YOU KNOW WHAT IS WORKING? MEASURING RESULTS
According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, youth violence indicators provide a
common way of measuring and presenting information that reveals whether standards are being met and
the expected results are being attained.
45 There is no single way to measure youth violence; however,
the following are the most commonly accepted , WHO-championed indicators for measuring the
performance of national and subnational programs for addressing youth and gender-based violence:
46
•
Youth homicide rate: Homicide rate during a 12-month period per population of 100,000
• Emergency department (ED) visit rate due to youth assaults: ED visits due to assaults
during a 12-month period per population of 100,000
Hospital discharge rate related to youth assaults: Hospital discharges related to physical
assau
lts against youth during a 12-month period per population of 100,000
•
Prevalence of physical and/or sexual youth intimate partner violence: Proportion of ever-
partnered women between the age s of 15 and 29 who experienced physical and/or sexual violence
by a current or former husband/male intimate partner in the last 12 months
47
• Prevalence of youth sexual violence by a nonpartner: Proportion of women (between ages
15 and 29) who have ever experienced sexual violence by a nonpartner ages15 and older.
Guidance for T rauma Center Injury and V iolence P revention Programs
The “Standards and Indicators for Model Level I and II Trauma Center Injury and Violence Prevention
Program
s” guidance, developed with funding from the CDC and the National Association of County and City
Health Officials, provides implementation standards and indicators that help users determine efficacy and
better target resources. The guidance also provides concrete, consensus-based descriptions of what
constitutes a model program. In this guidance document, the indicators are organized according to five core
components that are essential for program success: leadership, resources, data, effective interventions, and
partnerships. Each core component is accompanied by a brief rationale for its inclusion, a statement of the
model standard, and indicators that suggest the model standard is being met.
48
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 40
The information necessary to calculate these indicators routinely comes from health sector records.
Data on morbidity and mortality are collected from emergency services and from prehospital care or
epidemiology departments, while police and other administrative records can supplement crime-related
violence data. These data, however, often tell a more nuanced story because they are so tightly linked
to the willingness to report a violent crime. As more victims report violence, it might appear that
gender-based violence is increasing, when in actuality only the willingness to report the violence—or
seek medical care from the violence—has increased. The combination of records for violence
surveillance (e.g., health, law enforcement) has been recognized as a way to improve the quality of
information and as a mechanism that contributes to improving the link between the sectors involved in
violence prevention, thereby reducing the costs of service, data collection, and analysis.
49
Data provided by emergency services and prehospital care services—such as patients’ demographic
characte
ristics, the diagnoses, and the procedures performed—are key to measuring the progress of
local interventions and developing a baseline for and measuring progress of programs aimed at
preventing youth violence. These types of standardized data, such as data that are coded according to
the International Classification of Diseases tool,
50 also enable comparisons between locations and even
among different levels (i.e., local, regional, and national). It is important to consider that surveillance
information does not represent the entire universe of cases. The re are multiple reasons for this
(including incomplete records, doubts related to intentionality, false description of injuries, corruption,
and so forth), all of which can be considered unrecorded crime data. Employing multiple statistical
methods enables a more valid estimation of this unrecorded information.
51
Of particular relevance is WHO’s recently published INSPIRE
52 strategy, jointly developed by WHO,
CDC, USAID, the United Nations International Children’ s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), and other key
actors. INSPIRE developed a series of indicators for monitoring the progress of strategies aimed at
preventing child and youth violence.
INSPIRE Indicators
• Violent discipline by caregivers
• Physical punishment by teachers
• Lifetime sexual violence in childhood
• Sexual violence in childhood by any perpetrator
• Physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner against ever-partnered adolescent girls
• Physical and/or sexual violence against adolescents by a romantic partner
• Peer violence or bullying victimization
• Physical attack against adolescents
• Youth exposure to households affected by physical partner violence against women
• Disclosure of lifetime childhood sexual violence/physical violence in childhood
• Help-seeking for lifetime childhood sexual violence/physical violence in childhood
• Receipt of services for lifetime childhood sexual violence/physical violence in childhood
• Awareness of support services for violence among adolescents
• Support for youth in contact with the justice system
• Youth in detention
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 41
The INSPIRE i ndicators help inform data collection by national health systems to aid in monitor ing the
progress of their programs and to provide more youth-specific information than the core indicators,
mentioned earlier. It is important to note that these indicators often require much more detailed and
robust data collection and analysis mechanisms, including victimization studies. Many of the INSPIRE
indicators (see text box) do not necessarily result in health sector treatment or law enforcement
responses. As part of the strategy, INSPIRE offers guides to help partners prepare a survey that
measures related indicators.
53
Measurement of results based on solid and reliable data poses many challenges, particularly in developing
countr
ies. The technical expertise and resources available at epidemiological units varies substantially , as
do the resources made available to train data collectors and collect data. Medical professionals, who
view their role as that of providing treatment and services, may see data collection as outside their
purview or too time-consuming. Another issue is the delays in the publication of official health data. In
many countries, although preliminary data related to the reasons for health consultations and causes of
death are published monthly, this information is not considered official and final until up to 2 years later.
This lag is the result of time-consuming raw data adjustment typically undertaken by national agencies.
Despite the challenges, countries in the LAC region have made significant advances in measuring the
resul
ts and impact of interventions. Mexico is an example of a country that developed mechanisms for
generating evidence-based policy through tracking indicators of the prevalence, incidence, and
characteristics of violence, as well as risk factors to inform decision makers at the national, state, and
local levels
b . Since the mid-1990s, the Mexican Ministry of Health has made a systemic effort to
generate reliable data. In 2013, its Congress passed a law to create the National Health Survey (NHS)
Strategy, which mandates the Ministry of Health, through the General Directorate of Epidemiology, to
design, coordinate, supervise, and undertake National Health Surveys. The NHS system generates
precise information regarding public health indicators of the population, which in turn enables the
development of INSPIRE-like youth violence indicators by including questions about violence, substance
abuse, mental health issues, and other risk factors.
One of the NHS surveys, ENSANUT (National Health and Nutrition Survey),
54 which has been
conducted biannually since 2000, includes an analysis of youth violence risk factors.
55 For example, the
ENSANUT 2018 adolescent questionnaire asks respondents about the health of adolescents between
10 and 19 years of age. The questionnaire includes topics such as use of tobacco, alcohol, and drugs;
disciplinary methods at home; problems with the law; domestic violence; bullying; mental health; and
other topics related to risk of violence in its different manifestations and to its prevention.
56 The
information collected by the NHS in Mexico is similar to that which the United States, Canada, and
other countries gather through disease surveillance efforts. These are considered best practices that
constantly evolve given the dynamic patterns of diseases.
SUSTAINING VIOLENCE PREVENTION EFFORTS
In this section, we outline a series of observations regarding the critical actions required to ensure the
ongoing impact of the health sector in violence prevention as well as the sustainability of violence
prevention initiatives.
b
For example, see: CONEVAL https://www.coneval.org.mx/Paginas/principal.aspx
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1. The health sector must enhance its advocacy strategies and collaborate with
mult
isectoral partners to ensure a sustainable violence prevention approach. The health
sector can certainly not “ go it alone”; nor can it distance itself from prevention efforts, particularly
in LAC, where the sector has taken a back seat to law enforcement and justice agencies. The
homicide crisis in LAC, particularly in the Northern Triangle countries of Central America, has led
to the widespread security and justice responses, thus minimizing the role of the health sector.
High homicide rates, typically linked to drug trafficking and organized crime, have become the focal
point of politicians and citizens alike. The response to skyrocketing homicide rates has been a focus
on public and citizen security involving the police and, in some cases, military intervention. This
mano dura (“firm hand” or “iron fist”) focus on crime management and reduction has led to a drain
in resources for crime prevention. Furthermore, by focusing on death rates, violence resulting in
injuries is systematically minimized. With few exceptions, the public health institutions have not
been able to advocate for a clear and primary role in addressing the challenges of violence, nor have
they received funding to do so. The Ministerial Declaration on Prevention of Violence and Injuries in the
Americas,
57 signed in Mérida, Yucatán, in 2008 by 34 m inisters of health (and not repeated since
then), represented a major step in regional coordination; however, there was little follow-up to this
political commitment. To build upon fledging efforts and cement the health sector’s role in violence
prevention to ensure sustainability of efforts, greater political and technical leadership is required.
2. Knowledge management and dissemination must be valued as important contributors
to vi
olence prevention and reduction. Knowledge resources exist (many in Spanish), although
transference to LAC, particularly to local practitioners, has been sporadic. Resources developed
explicitly for health sector professionals are available, including research, toolkits, guidelines,
protocols, forms, datasets, and surveillance tools. Many of these resources have been translated
into Spanish through the support of organizations like WHO, CDC, PAHO, and USAID.
Nonetheless, many of these materials are not readily available for field practitioners, who—
overburdened with providing care—typically have neither the time nor the incentive to seek
guidance on ways to address violence issues, let alone participate in coordinated efforts to provide
prevention and referral services. Capacity-building programs for public health practitioners that
focus on understanding, treating, and preventing violence are scarce and insufficient. Many
promising initiatives have been neither documented nor evaluated; thus, knowledge is quickly lost.
The sustainability of health sector roles and responses will be ensured only by building an evidence
architecture that is greatly supported by knowledge management and dissemination.
c
3. Public health institutions require additional support and funding to address violence.
Wit
hin the LAC context of the focus on homicides, security initiatives receive significant funding and
support, sometimes at the expense of healthcare services and prevention initiatives. According to
the Inter-American Development Bank, Latin America invests 5.4 percent of its total budget in the
security sector, which is significantly more than the 3.3 percent invested by OECD countries.
58 Of
that amount, the bulk of the spending is on the police (63.4 percent), followed by criminal
justice (22.3 percent), and then prisons (8.7 percent). A total of 5.6 percent is allocated as
“other expenditures,” which may consider certain prevention investments. Most funding earmarked
to address violence, whether from governments in the region or from the international community,
do not support public health responses. For example, of the $3 billion earmarked by the U.S.
government for the Mé rida Initiative, a security and rule-of-law partnership between Mexico and the
United States to address crime and drug trafficking, less than 4 percent was allocated to prevention
programs through USAID, with no known funding flowing to the public health sector. While the
c
See, for example: https://www.nature.com/articles/s41599- 019-0253-6
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impacts of prevention initiatives can be scientifically evaluated, it is often difficult to directly link
prevention initiatives with a decrease in violence or crime unless prevention efforts are tracked to
the individual level of behavior, which can be expensive for researchers and prompt privacy
concerns from policymakers and local citizens.
d Furthermore, results from prevention initiatives are
not always clearly visible to the communities, whereas security approaches (more police, military
patrols) are more observable. As such, prevention funding—even if it does exist—can be
reallocated quickly. For example, in 2012 the Mexican government took the bold, unprecedented
step of establishing a National Program for the Prevention of Social Violence and Delinquency
and its related National Program for Crime Prevention. Funding for this program reached over
$43 million; however, it was cut to zero in 2017 when all funding shifted to the security apparatus.
e
Because the health sector serves such an important role in terms of both prevention and treatment,
in addition to providing important analytical contributions, prevention efforts must receive funding
and support to ensure impact and visibility over time.
4. Attention must be given to municipal- and community-level actors and organizations
given th
at little knowledge and few resources are available at decentralized levels
throughout LAC. Acknowledging that national resources and knowledge on prevention is
inadequate, this limitation is even more pronounced at decentralized levels. Municipal authorities
are charged with addressing a wide range of issues and are elected for a limited period, sometimes
serving 4 years without consecutive re-election. Thus, the turnover rate at the municipal level is
high, with most technical staff likely changing after a new election. This leads to the abandonment of
many forms of programming, including prevention initiatives. Health sector workers, who tend to
be less political and therefore less likely to rotate, nonetheless typically exert limited influence at the
local level. Local monitoring and evaluation capacity may be particularly limited; thus, local
prevention interventions, where they do exist, are often ad hoc with little scientific grounding.
Until local-level work is carried out successfully, the risk of the sector being perceived as “talking
but not doing” remains real and threatens legitimacy.
5. Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) that work on health issues in LAC must embrace
their res
ponsibility for promoting the violence prevention agenda. Most countries in LAC
have strong CSOs , many of which focus on health and welfare issues. T ypically, these CSOs
prioritize communicable diseases (e.g., HIV/AIDS, dengue), family health (e.g., maternal and child
healthcare, reproductive health), and lifestyle-related health issues (e.g., addictions). While a strong
cadre of CSOs focuses on violence against women, many concentrate resources on providing victim
services rather than holistic prevention efforts.
6. Leadership is a key element of success of interventions, and without it, sustainability will
be com
promised. Many of the promising practices outlined earlier in this brief relied on the
leadership of key individuals who understood the importance of the role of the public health sector in
violence prevention. Whether mayors, ministers of health, or global experts, these violence prevention
d
The Safe and Successful Youth Intiative in Massachusetts is a public-health inspired gun and gang violence
inter
vention that provides a rare exception through its evaluation that ties changes in community and individual
level crime and violence to program participation: https://www.air.org/resource/massachusetts-s-safe-and-successful-youth-initiative-ssyi-continues-reduce-violent-crime
e
An evaluation of this program, however, demonstrated that most activities had been ineffectual or used for
politic
al purposes. See Koloffon, L., Novelo, L., & Ley, S. (2014). Prevención del delito en México: ¿Dónde quedo la
evide
ncia? México Evalúa, Centro de Análisis de Políticas Públicas. Retrieved from
https://www.mexicoevalua.org/prevencion-del-delito-en-mexico-donde-quedo-la-evidencia/
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champions played an indispensable role in designing and implementing the prevention agenda. These
champions must also build on past successes rather than continue to reinvent the wheel.
RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Undertake capacity building and training programs on violence prevention for health
secto
r workers. It is critical to utilize existing resources and to adapt them to local contexts, in
order for all health sector workers, in both the public and private sectors, to better exercise their
roles in addressing and preventing violence. Explicit emphasis should be placed on strengthening
local knowledge at the field level, rather than centering programs in the capital cities.
2. Regain a leadership role in public policy debate and advocate for additional health
secto
r resources to respond to violence crises. In collaboration with regional and global
leaders and technical experts, the public health sector in LAC needs support and accompaniment to
take a leading role in violence prevention, shedding light on the issues of violence-related injuries
and the related burden on the public health sector. It is crucial that the health sector undertake
advocacy strategies to work with the legislative branches responsible for allocating the national
budget, donors, and CSOs to raise awareness, allocate resources, and create a cadre of committed
stakeholders.
3. Identify entry points in health services to incorporate into violence prevention
activit
ies. To expand the role of health sector workers in violence prevention, it is not always the
case that new programming is required but, rather, that existing services can be expanded to include
violence prevention elements. For example, reproductive health services can include prevention
efforts around sexual violence, or pediatricians can play a key role in the prevention of child abuse.
Furthermore, incentives must be designed to encourage medical personnel to broaden their
responsibilities from providing clinical care services to facilitating prevention initiatives. For
example, it is much easier for a doctor to treat a stab wound than it is to make a report or liaise
with relevant institutions to address the social violence that triggered the stabbing.
4. Advocate for a shift from focusing exclusively on homicide data to emphasizing
violen
ce-related injuries. Understandably, homicides receive the most attention, as they are the
easiest crimes to identify and report, by communities, officials, and the media alike. The gruesome
nature of gang- related and organized crime murders in LAC leads to even further visibility and
attention. However, as explained in this brief, homicides are but the tip of the iceberg, and the
ongoing services and costs for violence-related injuries threaten broader development objectives.
5. Enhance and make better use of existing epidemiological data. A lthough far from perfect,
data o
n violence do exist, and the public health sector is the repository of data on violence-related
injuries. Public health officials must improve data collection methods and techniques and better use
existing data to inform public policy in conjunction with other sectors. This requires the strengthening
of epidemiological units to collect, analyze, and use violence-related death and injury data.
6. Strengthen mental health service provision. Given the multitude of priorities in the LAC,
ment
al health services are essentially nonexistent throughout the region, notwithstanding their
critical role in prevention. In most countries, only a handful of specialized psychiatric or
psychological mental health service providers work in the public sector. Additional specialists must
be brought on board to play a role in incorporating mental health into primary healthcare and family
health clinical services. In addition, community mental health workers should be identified and
trained to provide nonclinical services at the local level. For example, cognitive behavioral therapy,
USAID.GOV STOPPING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE HEALTH SECTOR | 45
proven to help reduce violence, is but one area in which community mental health workers can
deliver services, under the guidance of trained experts.
7. Make the body of knowledge on violence prevention readily available to LAC countries.
Donors
could help support dissemination of information by translating and adapting relevant
violence prevention materials and by collaborating in the dissemination of these materials to target
audiences. USAID and other donors could do this using virtual platforms and methods in many
cases. To ensure the proper use of materials, donors should consider supporting capacity-building
efforts for public health actors. For example, this could be accomplished by establishing a virtual
clearinghouse of materials and programs geared toward health sector actors.
8. Support innovative public information campaigns. Donors could assist the public health
sect
or in the design and delivery of public information campaigns to raise awareness about violence
issues and educate the public on its role in violence prevention.
9. Seek partnerships with other health agencies and organizations with established
expe
rtise in violence prevention. As noted, WHO, PAHO, and CDC are considered global
leaders in violence prevention, and each organization approaches the issue from a public health point
of view. Further collaboration should be considered.
10. Provide support for nongovernmental violence prevention programs implemented in
the he
alth sector. In many LAC countries, funding for NGOs is limited. By opening new grant
pools, donors could provide much needed resources and recognition to community-based health
professionals and institutions to address violence. Donors could also leverage additional support
from private sector sources to supplement their own investments.
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RESOURCES
• Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Cardiff violence prevention toolkit.
https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/publichealthissue/fundedprograms/cardiffmodel/toolkit.h
tml
• Concha-Eastman, A., Villaveces, A. Guias para la vigilancia epidemiologica de violencia y
lesion
es. Organización Panamericana de la Salud, 2001.
http://www.paho.org/spanish/HCP/HCN/VIO/guidelines-sp.htm
• Futures Without Violence. Prevent, assess, and respond: A domestic violence toolkit for health
cente
rs & domestic violence programs.
http://www.nnoha.org/nnoha-content/uploads/2018/12/IPV-Health-Partners- Toolkit-4.24.pdf
• National Resource Center on Domestic Violence. Identification and intervention by health care
provi
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https://vawnet.org/sc/identification-and-intervention-health-care-providers
• Organización Panamericana de la Salud. Salud Mental, guía del promotor comunitario. México,
2013.
http://iris.paho.org/xmlui/bitstream/handle/123456789/31342/salud-mental-guia-
promotor.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
• Pan American Health Organization. Improving the health sector response to gender based
violen
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https://www.paho.org/hq/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=4517:2010-improving-health-sector-response-gender-violence-manual&Itemid=41342&lang=en
• Pan American Health Organization. Violence against women: The health sector responds.
https://www.paho.org/en/documents/violence-against-women-health-sector-responds
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http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2004/9241546484.pdf
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h
ttps://www.who.int/mental_health/policy/essentialpackage1/en/
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http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2004/9241546395.pdf
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unity approach to preventing violence. Retrieved from https://1vp6u534z5kr2qmr0w11t7ub-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/2019.09.18-CV_Hospital.pdf
41 Campie, P., Tanyu, M., & Udayakumar, C. (2019). What Works to Prevent Lethal Youth Violence in the
LAC Region
: A Global Review of the Research . Washington, DC: American Institutes for Research.
Retrieved from https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00W731.pdf
42 Comisión Nacional Contra las Adiciones, Gobierno de Mexico. (2010, June 28). Estrategia Todos
Somo
s Juárez, Reconstruyamos la Ciudad. Retrieved from
http://www.conadic.salud.gob.mx/pdfs/todos_somos_juarez_28junio.pdf
43 Rockefeller Foundation. (n.d.). Selected cities. 100 Resilient Cities. Retrieved from
https://www.rockefellerfoundation.org/100-resilient-cities/
44 WHO. (n.d.). Violence Prevention Alliance: Building global commitment to violence prevention.
Retri
eved from https://www.who.int/violenceprevention/en/
45 Malby, S. (2006). Manual for the measurement of juvenile justice indicators. UNODOC & United
Natio
ns Children’s Fund (UNICEF). Retrieved from
https://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/Manual_for_the_Measurement_of_Juvenile_Justice_I ndicators.pdf
46 Marais, S., Seedat, M., Sethi, D., Nurse, J., & Butchart, A. (2004). Handbook for the documentation of
interp
ersonal violence prevention programmes. WHO. Retrieved from
https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/42856/9241546395.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
47 WHO. (2020). Consensus on priority indicators on violence against women. Retrieved from
https://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/violence/vaw- indicators/en/
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48 Lezin N, McPhillips-Tangum C. (2017). Standards and Indicators for Model Level I and II Trauma
Cent
er Injury and Violence Prevention Programs. The Safe States Alliance and National
Association of County and City Health Officials. Retrieved from
https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.safestates.org/resource/resmgr/Trauma_IVP/Trauma_IVP_Standard s_&_Indic.pdf
49 Florence, C., Shepherd, J., Brennan, I., & Simon, T. R. (2014). An economic evaluation of anonymised
inform
ation sharing in a partnership between health services, police and local government for
preventing violence-related injury. Injury Prevention, 20 (2), 108– 114. Retrieved from
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/24048916/
50 Masho, S. W., Schoeny, M. E., Webster, D., & Sigel, E. (2016). Outcomes, data, and indicators of
viole
nce at the community level. The Journal of Primary Prevention, 37 , 121. Retrieved from
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10935-016-0429-4
51 Ascencio, R. L., Zolezzi, A. d. R., Garrido, E. A., Pérez, R. C., Rangel, F. P., Salazar, M. L. A., & Medina, M. H.
(2006).
Informe nacional sobre violencia y salud. Secretaría de Salud de México. Retrieved from
http://www.salud.gob.mx/unidades/cdi/documentos/InformeNalsobreViolenciaySalud.pdf
52 UNICEF. (2018). INSPIRE indicator guidance and results framework: Ending violence against children:
How to de
fine and measure change. Retrieved from
https://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/inspire-package/inspire-indicator/en/
53 UNICEF. (2018). INSPIRE indicator guidance and results framework: Ending violence against children:
How to de
fine and measure change. Retrieved from
https://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/inspire-package/inspire-indicator/en/
54 Secretaría de Salud, Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública, & Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía
(INEGI
). (2018). Encuesta Nacional de Salud y Nutrición (ENSANUT) 2018. Presentación de
resu
ltados. Retrieved from https://www.inegi.org.mx/programas/ensanut/2018/
55 Valdez-Santiago, R., Hidalgo-Solórzano, E., Mojarro-Íñiguez, M., Rivera- Rivera, L., & Ramos-Lira, L.
(2013). V
iolencia interpersonal en jóvenes mexicanos y oportunidades de prevención. Salud
Públic
a de México, 55(2), S259–S266. Retrieved from http://dx.doi.org/10.21149/spm.v55s2.5123
56 UNICEF. (2018). INSPIRE indicator guidance and results framework: Ending violence against
childr
en: How to define and measure change. Retrieved from
https://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/inspire-package/inspire-indicator/en/
57 Ministros de Salud de las Américas. (2008, March 14). Declaración Ministerial sobre Prevención de
Violenc
ia y Lesiones en las Américas. Retrieved from
https://www.paho.org/mex/index.php?option=com_docman&view=download&alias=738-declaracion-ministerial- sobre-prevencion-de-violencia-y- lesiones-en-las-americas-merida-
2008&category_slug=antecedentes&Itemid=493
58
Inter-American Development Bank. (2018). Better Spending for Better Lives. How Latin America and the
Caribbean can do More with Less. Retrieved from
https://publications.iadb.org/publications/english/document/Chapter-7-Smart-Spending-on-
Citizen-Security-Beyond-Crime-and-Punishment.pdf
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VI OLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 52
ISSUE BRIEF
REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA:
A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR
Authors: Samia Amin, Mary Kay Dugan, Patricia Campie, Chandler Hill, Elyse Shaw, and
Adria Molotsky
Acknowledgments
Thank you to Wendi Carman, Thomas De Hoop, and Yemile Mizrahi for their contributions to this brief.
Youth violence, or violence affecting individuals between 10 and 29 years old , is both a social problem
and a public health issue that can be prevented. Youth violence affects every sector, including the
workforce sector.
1 USAID and other donors have invested heavily in the prevention of violence in the
Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region, and results from these investments demonstrate that
evidence-based interventions can be effective in reducing youth violence, even in the most violent
areas.
2
This brief is a guide to help key stakeholders in the workforce sector—such as government agencies,
community and business leaders, and those who work with and support youth and their families—
understand the types of violence that affect the youth workforce, propose multisector approaches to
reduce the effects of violence on youth workforce development, and contribute to reductions in
violence itself using informed workforce development programs.
Youth violence contributes to poor economic and workforce outcomes for both youth and their families
(e.g.
, lack of job readiness, lack of access to jobs, lack of access to formal employment, hostile and
dangerous work environments), which escalate risk factors and make youth vulnerable to disconnection
from school and work. Violence, crime, and extortion make it harder for employers and employees to
create and sustain meaningful economic opportunities for youth. Both physical and economic vulnerability
for youth are particularly high during times of negative economic shocks, such as those experienced
during the coronavirus pandemic. The causes and consequences of youth violence in the workforce
sector vary based on regional socioeconomic characteristics and require multisector and multi-scalar
solutions. USAID supports systemic approaches designed to serve disadvantaged, marginalized, over-
age, and out-of-school youth to build foundational skills needed for meaningful employment.
3
YOUTH VIOLENCE IN THE LAC REGION
For youth in the LAC region, safety and security issues are paramount. Adolescents in this region are
five times more likely to be victims of homicide than youth living in any other part of the world.
4
More
than six million youth migrate from LAC countries each year, many fleeing the persistent violence that
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 5 3
plagues their communities.
5
In the past decade, several countries in the LAC region became the most
violent in the world. The LAC region represents just 8.5 percent of the global population but accounts
for an estimated 30 percent of the world’s homicides.
6
In several countries, citizens rank crime and
violence as their top concerns, surpassing unemployment and the economy.
7
Homicide rates—
particularly in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, and Venezuela—have reached epidemic
proportions. In 2019, homicide rates per 100,000 persons reached 105 in El Salvador, 57.5 in Honduras,
42 in Jamaica, and 29 in Guatemala.
8
Spending on security, justice, and law enforcement can make up
over 10% of a country’s GDP, which diverts public and private resources away from activities that would
support the social and economic development that contributes to lower rates of homicide. High rates
of homicide correlate with stifled progress toward key Millennium Develop Goals, such as reducing
extreme poverty, hunger, youth unemployment, infant mortality rates, and adolescent birth rates.
9
Homicidal violence is mostly concentrated in certain countries within the region, and the vast majority
of th
ese crimes are perpetrated against males (80 percent), half of which are young men.
10
Males are
not the only victims of homicide in the region; the LAC region experiences almost 4,000 femicides
annually. Gang-related homicide disproportionately affects individuals in the LAC region, with 26 percent
of all homicides in the region falling under this category compared with only 8 percent classified as intimate
partner violence, which more often affects women. Moreover, 12 percent, or approximately 19 million,
women and girls ages 15–49 reported experiencing physical or sexual violence perpetrated by a current or
former intimate partner at some point in their lives, and between 8 percent and 27 percent of women and
girls reported experiencing sexual violence by a nonpartner.
11
Surveys of youth in LAC countries have
found that up to 40 percent of adolescents report being sexually abused at some point in their lives.
12
Women and girls also experience a disproportionate array of street and workplace harassment, the
former of which has only recent ly become criminalized in two LAC countries (Chile and Peru).
13
Persistent violence affects the developme
ntal health of young children who live in areas with high rates
of violence; affects the mental and physical health of community members; displaces families who flee the
violence; deters businesses from investing in areas where employment opportunities are desperately
needed; and affects the performance of key institutions needed to support the educational, employment,
social, financial, physical, and security needs of the broader community.
14
VIOLENCE IN THE WORKFORCE SECTOR
FORMAL EMPLOYMENT SETTINGS
In 2018, only 42 percent of youth between 14 and 25 years old in the LAC region were employed.
a
Rare lacking on the incidence of work
these countries.
with disabilities, are vulnerable to a wide range of workplace violence , from physical violence to
psychological violence (including bullying), unwanted sexual attention (i.e., harassment), gender-based
violence, and psychosocial hazards (sometimes known as structural violence or institutional bullying).
15
Specifically, young women are more likely to experience harassment and gender -based violence in the
workplace, whereas males are more likely to experience physical and psychological violence, and youth
with disabilities, migrants, and those with lower levels of education are more likely to experience
psychological as well as structural violence. The degree of vulnerability to violence also varies with risk
a
Computed using 2018 data from employed workers who contribute to the old-age social security scheme and
emplo
yed workers ages 15–24 from the Inter -American Development Bank SIMS website .
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 54
factors, such as physical, psychosocial, and emotional development; job skills and work experience; and
socioeconomic status. Bullying and violence in the workplace are salient risk factors for poor mental
health, depression, and anxiety, and they are associated with decreased work motivation and higher
absenteeism and rates of resignation.
16,17
Employed youth are also likely to be exposed to workplace violence in a variety of contexts that extend
beyond
traditional perceptions of workplaces: the International Labour Organization (ILO) notes the
urgent need to expand the definition of workplace violence to include commuting to and from work,
work-related social events, and public spaces and homes.
18
Notably, the sources of violence youth
encounter can also be myriad and multidirectional, including not just employers but also clients, public
authorities, coworkers, and competitors.
19
Unfortunately, there are few data sources and limited research to help us understand the incidence and
characte
ristics of workplace violence specifically affecting LAC youth. One study on working conditions
from a global perspective examines Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and
Panama. Drawing on surveys of wage employees, the study finds that a higher proportion of young
workers are more likely to experience adverse social behavior (1 in 4), compared to mid- career
workers (1 in 6) and older workers (1 in 6).
20
Absent more systematic and regular data, patterns of youth employment can provide insights on their
vulne
rability. Two patterns of youth employment stand out: the predominance of informal
employment among youth and the sectors in which youth are employed.
PREDOMINANCE OF INFORMAL EMPLOYMENT AMONG YOUTH
Employed youth in the LAC region are predominantly in informal employment (between 60 and
70
or less), non-professional self-employment, domestic employment, and unwaged family workers. Of
those working in the informal economy in the LAC region, roughly 54 percent are women while
47 percent are men and such disparities are even starker for women from marginalized populations such
as ethnic minorities, refugees, migrants, and indigenous women.
21
Further, the ILO’s 2018 Labour
Overview for LAC reported that informal employment among LAC youth aged 15 to 24 was
62.6 percent.
22
If we use an alternate commonly used measure of informal employment, the percentage
of employed youth not contributing to the old- age social security scheme, the figure rises to 71 percent
in 2018.
b
Additionally, if the overall gender breakdown for informal employment is the same, the
majority of youth in the informal sector are young women. Addressing the issues faced by youth in the
informal employment sector will mean policies and practices must be applied with a gender lens.
There is limited research and statistics on violence experienced by youth in the informal sector in Latin
Amer
ica. However, examining the global literature on the intersection of informal employment and
violence reveals relevant insights for the LAC region on the prevalence of risk factors that are likely to
be especially acute for youth:
• Women and girls are at particular risk for violence in the workplace, including verbal, physical,
sexu
al, and psychological abuse.
23
A substantial evidence base points to the particular vulnerability
of women and girls in the workplace given their overrepresentation in informal employment and
b
Computed using 2018 data from on employed workers who contribute to the old-age social security scheme and
emplo
yed workers ages 15–24 from the Inter -American Development Bank SIMS website.
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 55
their likelihood of being on the bottom rung of jobs available within informal employment (those
that are more perilous and lower paid).
24,25 Research suggests domestic workers who are young
girls and migrants are acutely vulnerable due to limited legal protections, isolated nature of the
workplace, employer control over living conditions, and a lack of access to reporting mechanisms.
26
• Formal legislation on worker protections excludes those in informal employment. ILO’s 2018 review of the
polic
ies of 80 countries on violence in the workplace notes that most countries only apply worker
protections against violence, sexual harassment, and nondiscrimination to those in the formal
employment sector. Moreover, 20 of the 80 countries studied explicitly exclude domestic workers,
while 8 exclude contributing family workers, leaving many young women especially vulnerable to
violence in the workplace.
27
• Informal employment often occurs in nontraditional workplaces that may be harder to regulate and
that
create unique risks of violence. Private homes—work places for countless domestic workers,
home care workers, and home- based workers (i.e. employees performing work from their own
home), the majority of whom are women—put workers at particular risk because the isolation
provides greater opportunities for unchecked verbal and physical abuse, intimidation, bullying, and
sexual assault. Public places—workplaces for workers such as street vendors—p ose risks for the
opposite reason, creating exposure to myriad sources of community-based violence, such as robbery
or harassment.
28
• Informal workers face diverse sources of violence and harassment. Since informal workplaces are
unre
gulated, violence and harassment can spring from a wider range of perpetrators, such as
corrupt municipal officials; criminals, gangs, or powerful vested interests; fellow workers, employers
and their associates, the public, fellow household members, and competitors. In particular, research
shows that clients or customers can be a particularly frequent source of violence affecting workers
in informal service industries.
29
SECTORAL COMPOSITION OF YOUT H EMPLOYMENT
Another way of understanding LAC youth’s vulnerability to workplace violence is to look at the sectors
in which they tend to be employed.
restaurants, and hotels), agricultur
Exhibit 1. Sectors Employing LAC Youth (Ages 14–25) in 2018
Source: SIMS data, 2018
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 5 6
• Trade, restaurants, and hotels sector and service sectors: Jobs in these sectors have several features that
incr
ease the odds of workers experiencing violence. Many of these jobs are client-facing and involve
frequent interaction with customers, increasing the risks of exposure to psychosocial hazards,
bullying, and verbal and physical violence.
30 Jobs in these sectors also entail exchanges of money,
meeting client standards for service, alcohol consumption, and imbalanced gender ratios with
women disproportionately more dominant in these roles and more reliant on tips and customer
approval in these sectors, resulting in greater opportunities for violence. Men, on the other hand,
tend to inhabit managerial and ownership roles within these sectors affording them greater safety
from violence and the day- to-day confrontations with customers. Many of the risks described in the
section on informal employment pertain to jobs in these sectors as well. For instance, there is an
extensive literature on the risks faced by domestic workers, home- based workers, and health
workers, the majority of whom are young women, much like in the informal sector.
31
• Agricultural sector: Studies examining risks of working in the agricultural sector have highlighted not
just
the high health and safety hazards due to poor working conditions, but also the risks for sexual
assault and the vulnerabilities that surface for migrant workers, particularly women.
32
• Industrial sector: Finally, according to a recent ILO report on global employment trends, as a result
of the
coronavirus pandemic, youth are likely to be disproportionately negatively influenced by the
economic aspects of the crisis because of the type of work they tend to have (e.g., temporary, part -
time, or unprotected jobs in informal conditions).
c ILO’s Vinícius Pinheiro, Director for Latin
America and the Caribbean, notes that, “When there is a crisis, young people are among the first to
lose their jobs, mainly those in the informal economy, and in sectors such as tourism, transport,
non-electronic commerce and other services in which telework is not an option.”
d
EFFECTS OF BROADER ARENAS OF VIOLENCE ON EMPLOYED YOUTH
In many countries in the LAC region, violence is frequently experienced by individuals on their way to and from work, as many are victimized by street gangs operating in, and often controlling, the
neighborhood. These instances of violence particularly impact workers who must move about the
community, such as home health care workers and other types of service-based occupations that are
disproportionately held by women. In cases where gangs establish “invisible borders,” youth may be
attacked on their way to work when they cross one of these borders.
33
UNEMPLOYED LAC YOUTH
Violence may affect not just youth’s experiences in the workplace but also their likelihood of entering
the workforce in the first place.
in five (19.8 percent) youth aged 1425 were unable to find work, the highest level recorded since this
measure began being tracked in 1990s.
34
This unemployment rate is three times that for the rest of the
working age, able-bodied population in the region. The employment to population ratio reveals that
only 38.4 percent of individuals aged 14–25 were employed.
35
Individuals with disabilities and young
persons who face other types of exclusion, such as ethnic minorities and those living with HIV, are
especially prone to unemployment.
36
c
For example, see: https://www.ilo.org/global/about -the-ilo/newsroom/news/WCMS_737053/lang--en/index.htm
d
For example, see: https://www.ilo.org/caribbean/newsroom/WCMS_738634/lang --en/index.htm
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 57
Violence, both within the home and in the broader community, may affect the labor
market participation of youth in the LAC region. Studies on the effects of gang violence suggest
that the fear of extortion, violence, and/or targeting by gangs deters the free movement of individuals to
access work and education opportunities.
37
For example, gangs in El Salvador, Guatemala, and
Honduras are known to target buses, taxis, and business operators as they traverse gang- controlled
territories in exchange for protection money, which can reach as high as 1,400 USD per month.
According to the Salvadoran Chamber of Commerce and Industry , 80 percent of its membership was
being extorted in 2007.
38
Such violence in the community can be a significant source of trauma and can
deter youth from participating in the workforce due to the fear of moving between home and work.
39
In this environment, youth who are particularly vulnerable to gang violence and gang recruitment have
high incentives for disconnection from school and work.
Violence may also play a role in youth being underprepared for labor market demands.
High le
vels of disconnection from school and work may lead to underdevelopment of talent in the
region. Only about one-half of youth aged 20–24 have completed secondary education and less than
10 percent of young people aged 20–29 completed university education with young women
outnumbering young men in both lower secondary completion rates (82.3 percent compared to
78.2 percent) and tertiary enrollment rates (58.6 percent compared to 45.1 percent) as young men are
more likely to enter the workforce at an earlier age.
40,41
In a 2018 survey by ManpowerGroup, a large
share of employers in Argentina (52
(35 percent), Guatemala (38 percent), Mexico (50 percent), and Panama (35 percent) also reported
difficulty filling positions with skilled workers, indicating the labor force is underprepared for available
positions.
42
Violence, crime, and extortion affect the availability of jobs by stemming investment in
busin
esses. At the macro level, violence, crime, and extortion weaken the investment climate—
deterring foreign and domestic investment that could fuel growth and jobs.
43
This is especially pertinent
for young people in the region who find that regardless of their workforce training investment efforts,
there simply are not enough jobs to absorb the number of youth who wish to enter the labor force.
44
These incidences of violence may also cause governments to redirect funds from infrastructure
investments that help businesses thrive toward crime reduction efforts. At the micro level, businesses
hit by crime have significantly lower sales activity and may be pressured to redirect cash to private
security, extortion payments, and physical changes to homes, factories, and other workplaces to
protect against violence.
45
World Bank Enterprise Survey data show that on average 60.9 percent of
surveyed businesses in LAC pay for private security and the total security
2.5
46
These rise as high as 80 percent in El Salvador, where security costs accounted
for 4.1 percent of sales.
47
In addition to these direct costs, businesses incur indirect costs due to
violence as well. A study examining data from over 10,000 Latin American businesses found that a
1 percent rise in crime-related corporate losses can reduce productivity between 5 percent and
10 percent. These costs deplete resources that could otherwise be invested into the business. Medium
and small- size businesses, which tend to be the engines of employment growth in most economies, are
especially at risk of failure due to these reasons.
RESPONDING TO YOUTH VIOLENCE TO IMPROVE WORKFORCE
OUTCOMES
While there is sparse literature explicitly focused on strategies to reduce the impact of youth violence
on the wor
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 58
reducing violence in the workplace and improving occupational safety and health, as well as from the
broader literature of violence reduction in LAC. We recommend using a multi-scalar approach for
developing feasible strategies; Exhibit 2 depicts the classification of potential strategies at the human,
meso, regional or metro, and macro levels.
48
Exhibit 2. Workforce Sector Strategies to Prevent and Mitigate the Effects of Youth
Violen
ce
SCALE OF STRATEGY RELEVANT STRATEGIES
Human Scale
Individual level services and
progr
amming
• Integrating worker rights training in education and vocational training for
youth
•
Providing access to legal aid services and violence reporting
• Sk
ills training, vocational training, education, and apprenticeship programs to
prom
ote transitions into employment and from informal to formal
employment
Meso Scale
Organizational and ente
rprise level initiatives
• Compliance assistance to employers
• Facilitation in formalizing jobs
• Enforcement of worker protections
• Support for legal aid/worker rights organizations
Regional or Metro Scale
Integrative, cross-sectoral
approa
ches
• Multisector citizen security strategies
• Capacity building and integration of relevant stakeholders
• Data collection on relevant statistics
Macro Scale
International and national polic
y and funding
• Creating and implementing laws, regulations, policies for worker protection, workfo rce development, and formalization
• Funding enforcement, compliance assistance
• Supporting data collection on incidence of youth violence
• Institutional development of relevant ministries
The ILO has proposed similar multi-scalar approaches to combatting violence in the workplace including
a code of practice on workplace violence in the service sector and measures to combat this
phenomenon with guidance for governments, employers, workers and their representatives, as well as
other concerned stakeholders.
e
HUMAN SCALE: STRATEGIES TARGETED AT INDIVIDUALS
There are a range of programs that seek to reduce young workers’ exposure to and increase resiliency
against violence in the workforce sector.
WORKER PROTECTION STRATEGIES
Public awareness interventions that increase youth, parental, and community awareness about
workplace risks and rights, position youth and their networks to better protect and advocate for
themselves. To adequately protect young workers against violence and safety and health hazards, it is
essential to start these protective investments early. These informational interventions need to be
e
This guide can be found at: https://www.ilo.org/global/topics/safety-and-health-at-work/normative-
instruments/code-of-practice/WCMS_107705/lang--en/index.htm
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 59
started while working- age youth are still in school and braided into vocational training and
apprenticeship programs.
49
Evidence from the adjacent field of occupational safety and health (OSH)
suggests that these informational strategies may be effective.
Providing access to recourse for workers experiencing violence increases worker resiliency .
Work
ers facing violence may need immediate assistance such as gaining guidance, support, and/or legal
aid to escape conditions of violence. Investing in these services and making workers aware of these
services promotes resiliency. For example, the government of Brazil partnered with UNICEF to create
a smartphone application that workers can use to report unsafe or illegal workplace situations.
f
EMPLOYMENT TRAINING AND EMPLOYMENT SERVICES STRATEGIES
Much of the risk faced by young workers is exacerbated by the type of work they do and the
occupations and sectors they work in. Workforce education and training (including technical and
vocational training and education, job skills training, apprenticeship, and life skills services) and
employment services (including job referrals, job fairs, job placement, resume preparation, and
coaching) can help unemployed youth find employment in positions with more bargaining power, as well
as help youth in informal employment move to formal employment, reducing vulnerability to violence.
Mixed evidence shows that workforce development programs that include apprenticeship, classroom
vocational skills training, life skills training, and job match services improve employment prospects and
earnings more than other workforce programs lacking these elements.
50
MESO SCALE: STRATEGIES TARGETED AT EMPLOYERS AND ORGANIZATIONS
Concerted strategies that engage employers are needed to decrease youth exposure to workplace
violence.
Informational and compliance assistance strategies for employers. Employers—including
forma
l and informal enterprises, family businesses, home-based enterprises, and employers of domestic
workers—a nd industry associations need training and information on risk factors for young
workers, including ways in which risk factors differ by gender, and compliance assistance to create the
necessary work conditions to protect youth and other workers from violence. These can include
guidance on (1) how to secure the workplace, (2) provide safety education and training to help
employees understand unacceptable behavior and safety practices, and (3) respond proactively and
decisively to violence in the workplace. They may also need compliance assistance for changing the
layout of their work environment, and developing organizational systems, workflows, and procedures
that discourage adverse social behaviors and violence against workers. Industry specific guides may be
particularly useful (See the ILO code of practice on workplace violence in services sectors previously
mentioned as a resource reference). All such guidance and compliance assistance should be
appropriately tailored to the specific intersectional and gendered approaches as is relevant for the
workplace setting.
Strengthening organizations serving workers. Nonprofits, trade unions, and professional and
work
er associations are important conduits for supporting young workers at risk of violence.
Strengthening community-based organizations—such as legal aid centers and crisis shelters that serve
particularly vulnerable worker groups (e.g., domestic workers or migrant workers) and workforce
f
For more information see: http://www.protejabrasil.com.br/br/
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 60
development centers that provide employment training and services to vulnerable youth—may be an
important strategy for increasing youth resiliency in the face of violence.
REGIONAL OR METRO -SCALE: STRATEGIES TARGETED AT SYSTEMS
The myriad sources of risk faced by young workers across diverse and broadly defined workspaces
point to the need for (a) an integrated intersectoral approach to preventing exposure to violence for
young workers, particularly those operating in the informal economy; and, (b) broader citizen security
measures that can create a conducive environment for business growth, youth employment, and youth
economic mobility. In order to establish a truly intersectional approach, it is imperative to collect data
disaggregated by key demographic characteristics (such as gender, ethnicity, migrant status, and
disability) to identify areas within the workspace that are deficient in their protections for workers in
these populations and, more importantly, workers that span multiple of these vulnerable categories
(e.g., migrant women or indigenous workers with a disability). Once these areas are identified, regional
institutions can begin to develop policies to address gaps in protections and that directly address the
needs of those who are most vulnerable in the workforce.
Pluralistic and multi- scalar approaches to worker protection. Much of the literature on the
info
rmal economy suggests that measures that go beyond traditional employers and places of
employment are needed. To the degree that youth work in public spaces, or home-based
environments, they face exposure to diverse sources and types of violence. Regional and local
administrative law and procedures, and municipal and urban authorities, law enforcement, and legal and
social security services can all have a large impact on young workers’ exposure to violence. Building
awareness and capacity among these stakeholders and engaging them in developing integrated
approaches to reducing violence against young workers will be critical. Evidence suggests that having
multidisciplinary, multisectoral, and/or multilevel approaches involving different stakeholders and key
players is effective in developing violence prevention programs in the workforce sector. This is
consistent with previous international research, showing that the most effective programs to prevent
interpersonal violence tend to involve both local governments and regional frameworks or initiatives.
51
A multidisciplinary approach could also facilitate making links between new initiatives and previous
efforts or programs implemented in the community, including workforce, community, and school-based
initiatives.
52
MACRO SCALE: STRATEGIES TARGETED AT POLICY AND FUNDING
Laws, policies, and funding related to worker protection and workforce development. The
ILO’s review of national policies for worker protection highlights the urgent need to create, update, and
implement broader protection for workers in work contexts that are more broadly defined.
53
It is also
critical to involve affected workers and workers’ associations in the policy development process.
Adequate funding and greater institutional capacity to enforce legislation is key to sustainable workforce
sector improvements.
Integrated approaches to workforce development. Evidence from around the world indicates
that i
ntegrated approaches to workforce development that braid investments and initiatives from
education, economic development, labor, industry/employers, worker associations, and human services
organizations are critical for creating pathways to safe and gainful employment for youth and adults.
Much of the stage for that collaboration is set by national policies and funding streams. A social impact
bond is one innovative integrated approach that involves a collaboration between investors, the
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 6 1
government, and social entrepreneurs. According to a recent review, more than 70 percent of social
impact bonds are related to employment or welfare.
54
In 2017, Colombia became the first middle-
income country to launch a social impact bond for workforce development and employment support in
vulnerable communities.
Institutional development and policy reforms. Accompanying these youth workforce projects are
a new s
et of public policies and institutional capacity building strategies to promote effective investment
in worker protection and workforce development. At the heart of the system are the public policy and
the required institutional development of the Ministries responsible for the oversight, standards, and
capacity building of the provider network. All of the “Jovenes” job training programs for disadvantaged
youth
in Latin America funded by the Inter-American Development Bank, include an institutional
strengthening component that focuses on working with the Ministries of Labor in these countries.
55
Most developing countries have undertaken a series of policy reforms to ensure that skills development
is at the front and center of the education and economic growth agenda.
Investments in data collection and violence tracking. There is an urgent need for regular
measu
rement of youth experiences of violence in the workforce sector. As noted, there are few
systematic data sources available on this topic. Understanding the frequency, types, and sources of
violence experienced by workers is important for understanding the scale of the problem, the
policies, and investments necessary to tackle it, and the return on investment from these corrective
actions. Similarly, there is a need for such data to be disaggregated by key characteristics such as
gender, ethnicity, disability, and migrant status of those experiencing violence to understand the
nuances of this phenomenon and so policies and programs can be appropriately targeted to support
the most vulnerable. Several international frameworks and indicators for defining and understanding
quality employment have been developed by the Bureau of the Conference of European Statisticians
(CES), ILO, and the EU that include indicators to measure unequivocal cases of adverse behavior
(e.g., employment related physical, psychological or sexual violence).
g
CONCLUSIONS
Young workers in LAC are especially vulnerable to a wide range of workplace violence stemming from
myriad sources. In particular, the formality of employment and the specific sub-sector in which they
work put young workers at increased risk for violence at work. This brief highlights the need for
integrated multi-scalar approaches incorporating both a gender and intersectional lens at the macro,
metro, meso, and individual levels to address this issue, and also highlights specific approaches within
these levels that merit further investment.
WORKPLACE VIOLENCE PREVENTION RESOURCES
AGRICULTURE
• Model Agricultural Industry Training (Workplaces Respond)
− https://www.workplacesrespond.org/resource-library/model-agricultural-industry-trainings/
g
Handbook for Measuring Quality of Employment, A Statistical Framework. Retrieved from:
https://www.unece.org/fileadmin/DAM/stats/publications/2015/ECE_CES_40.pdf
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 6 2
HEALTHCARE
• Health Care Facility Workplace Violence Risk Assessment Tool (American Society for Healthcare
Risk Management)
− https://www.ashrm.org/resources/workplace_violence
• Workplace Violence Prevention for Nurses (CDC)
− https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/violence/training_nurses.html
HOSPITALITY
• Avoiding Workplace Violence: Tips and Best Practices for Hospitality Employers (Fisher Phillips)
− https://www.fisherphillips.com/resources-newsletters-article-avoiding- workplace-violence-tips-
and-best-practices
• Model Restaurant Industry Trainings (Workplaces Respond)
− https://www.workplacesrespond.org/resource-library/model-restaurant-industry-trainings/
• Young Worker Safety in Restaurants (OSHA)
− https://www.osha.gov/SLTC/youth/restaurant/serving.html
OVERARCHING SUPPORTS
• European Youth Development Resource Network (Support, Advanced Learning and Training
Opportunities for Youth)
− https://www.salto-youth.net/rc/training-and-cooperation/tc-rc-nanetworktcs/
• Guide for Advocates (Workplaces Respond)
− https://www.workplacesrespond.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/01/Guide-for-Advocates.pdf
• International Labour Standards and Supports (ILO)
− https://www.ilo.org/global/standards/lang--en/index.htm
• Positive Youth Development Training in LAC (Latin American Youth Center)
− https://www.layc-dc.org/what-we-do/youth-development-training/
RETAIL
• Preventing Retail Workplace Violence: A free training for employers and employees (Maine Small
Business Development Center)
− https://www.mainesbdc.org/new- workplace-violence-prevention-training/
• Preventing Violence, Robbery, and Theft: A Guide for Retail Owners, Managers, and Workers
(Work Safe BC)
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 6 3
− https://www.worksafebc.com/en/resources/health-safety/books-guides/preventing-violence-
robbery-and-theft?lang=en
• Recommendations for Workplace Violence Prevention Programs in Late-Night Retail Establishments
(OSHA)
− https://www.osha.gov/Publications/osha3153.pdf
• Workplace Violence Is Broken Down into 4 Categories (Loss Prevention Magazine)
− https://losspreventionmedia.com/workplace-violence-is-broken-down-into-4-categories/
TRANSPORTATION
• NIOSH Fast Facts Taxi Drivers How to Prevent Robbery and Violence (National Institute for
Occupational Safety and Health)
− https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/docs/2020-100/pdfs/2020-
100Revised112019.pdf?id=10.26616/NIOSHPUB2020100revised112019
• Preventing Violence Against Bus Operators (North America’s Transit Union)
− https://www.atu.org/atu-pdfs/conventiondocs/convention-docs/ATU-Violence-Fact-Sheet.pdf
USAID.GOV REDUCING YOUTH VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A GUIDE FOR THE WORKFORCE SECTOR | 6 4
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