(2010) Repons Gwoup Bank Mondyal la nan Tranblemanntè Ayiti a: Leson Evalyasyon
Rezime — Brief evalyasyon sa a egzamine repons Gwoup Bank Mondyal la a tranblemanntè 2010 la an Ayiti. Li mete aksan sou leson yo aprann konsènan repons imedya a, evalyasyon domaj, konsepsyon pwojè, kapasite enstitisyonèl, ak patisipasyon sektè prive a. Brief la mete aksan sou enpòtans aksyon rapid, patisipasyon lokal, ak desizyon rasyonalize pou yon rekiperasyon efikas apre dezas.
Dekouve Enpotan
- Patisipasyon bonè Gwoup Bank Mondyal la esansyèl pou yon repons efikas a katastwòf.
- Evalyasyon domaj yo ta dwe senp epi adapte ak kalite konstriksyon lokal yo.
- Re-alokasyon resous ki soti nan pwojè ki egziste deja mwens efikas pase prete espesifik pou rekonstriksyon.
- Konsepsyon pwojè a ta dwe senp, baze sou patisipasyon lokal, epi pran kapasite lokal an konsiderasyon.
- Leve kapasite sektè prive ki egziste deja enpòtan anpil pou yon repons dijans efikas.
Deskripsyon Konple
Brief evalyasyon sa a soti nan Gwoup Evalyasyon Endepandan (IEG) Bank Mondyal la analize repons Gwoup Bank Mondyal la a tranblemanntè devastatè 2010 la an Ayiti. Li tire sou eksperyans pase yo ak leson yo aprann nan lòt dezas natirèl yo pou bay apèsi sou efò rekiperasyon Ayiti yo. Brief la mete aksan sou enpòtans faktè tankou nati repons imedya a, evalyasyon egzat domaj, konsepsyon ak sipèvizyon pwojè efikas, itilizasyon kapasite lokal, angajman ak sektè prive a, ak kowòdinasyon ant patnè devlopman yo. Li rekonèt tou defi inik sitiyasyon sekirite frajil Ayiti a poze, estrikti gouvènans febli yo, ak foul don charitab ak ajans sekou yo.
Teks Konple Dokiman an
Teks ki soti nan dokiman orijinal la pou endeksasyon.
The World Bank Group Response
to the Haiti Earthquake:
Evaluative Lessons
Evaluation Brief 10
2010
The World Bank
Washington, D.C.http://www.worldbank.org/ieg
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This Evaluation Brief is a product of the staff of the Independent Evaluation Group (IEG) of the World Bank. The findings, in-
terpretations, and conclusions expressed here do not necessarily reflect the views of the Executive Directors of the World
Bank or the governments they represent.
The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denomina-
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ISBN-13: 978-1-60244-132-3
ISBN-10: 1-60244-132-4
iii
Contents
1 I. Immediate Considerations
2 II. Damage Assessment
3 III. Project Design and Supervision
4 IV. Institutions and Financing
6 V. Private Sector Response
1
The World Bank Group Response
to the Haiti Earthquake:
Evaluative Lessons
As Haiti faces the daunting task of recovery after the
devastating earthquake, past experiences provide
some lessons. Factors making a crucial difference to
the effectiveness of actions include the nature of the
immediate response, diagnosis, project design and
supervision, use of local capacity, private sector
links, and coordination among partners, including
within the World Bank Group. Many of the lessons
from previous natural disaster episodes are relevant
now; yet, Haiti’s distinct country conditions must
also be kept in mind.
Indeed, several factors make the response in Haiti
especially overwhelming—the breakdown of
social order and a fragile security situation; the
near- complete loss of governance structures; and
the failure, before the earthquake, to impose even
minimum quality standards on the construction
industry. Complicating matters further will be the
unprecedented scale of charitable donations
earmarked for emergency relief, and the arrival of
many new relief agencies, which tend to prioritize
unilateral action over coordination.
I. Immediate Considerations
The World Bank Group should be involved in
natural disaster response from the outset.
The Marmara earthquake experience in Turkey
shows the merit of early World Bank Group
involvement. Consultative groups have been
effective in mobilizing aid resources and facilitat-
ing coordination in postconflict situations. One
disaster- experienced Country Director suggests
that consultative groups could also be useful in
coordinating aid disaster operations, which
proved successful in Sudan in putting together a
multidonor famine effort.
Front- end preparation—including joint damage
and needs assessments before consultative
group meetings—should be agreed on before
operations are put into place. Identifying local
leadership and project management offices is
particularly important. When credible physical,
economic, and social assessments are available,
countries ultimately mobilize more assistance
than otherwise.
Because capacity to use aid effectively in fragile
states is low and governance is often poor, the
focus from the beginning also needs to be on the
development of capacity and the improvement
of governance, not merely the reconstruction of
physical infrastructure.
Every single response is either developmental
or counter- developmental; every decision
affects everything else.
Early actions have a major impact on the recovery.
How relief distributions are managed either
enhances reconstruction or constrains it. It is far
more difficult to stop the use of force and
firearms, looting, and rioting than it is to prevent
EVALUATION BRIEF 10
2
such actions in the first place. The tendency of
people immediately after an earthquake is to
band together to recover survivors from fallen
buildings. Ensuring and maintaining mutual trust
is important for effective reconstruction efforts.
The rebuilding of homes and communities
requires the safe transportation and storage of
building materials; often, community groups
need to be formed, to work together in rebuild-
ing homes and infrastructure. Since early actions
influence project success, World Bank Group staff
need to realize the importance of early actions
and advise development partners accordingly.
Temporary shelters need to preserve existing
social relationships.
If possible, avoid expensive temporary shelter
under a Bank project. People are able to find
adequate temporary shelter using materials from
damaged buildings, and families that did not lose
their dwellings will help shelter friends and relatives
(as occurred in Colombia after the Armero
eruption, and in Grenada and St. Lucia after
Hurricane Ivan). Relief efforts usually spend more
on tents and temporary shelter than the amounts
ultimately made available for permanent housing. If
people are moved out of the main cities and shelters
are required, serious efforts need to be made to
keep families and neighborhood groupings intact
for reasons of social support and continuity.
The physical layout of temporary shelter structures
can help reduce crime and violence against women
if care is taken during the relocation process to
ensure that as many doors of the shelter, as
possible, face a common and well- lit area. Such a
layout avoids the creation of dark passages and
alleyways, which are not in clear view and are
potential places for assaults to occur. Also, large,
shared, multifamily spaces have led to social break -
down in Colombia (Armero), Mexico City, and
Turkey.
Providing survivors with employment and cash
transfers early on has had good results.
The general population can be helped to recover
emotionally through the rebuilding process with
paid work (as was done in Gujarat). Taking the
time to ensure that all usable building materials are
recovered and recycled is a way to ensure that the
poor will be able to afford to rebuild. Once work
opportunities associated with clearing rubble and
recycling materials diminish, it is important to
provide cash assistance targeted at families (as in
the aftermath of the Marmara earthquake).
Cash transfers are more important than providing
food, blankets, and clothing. Indeed, in most
disasters, sending canned food and used clothing
from overseas is counterproductive. For example,
in Bangladesh following a major cyclone,
imported food aid destroyed the local rice market.
With cash transfers, the distribution of emergency
supplies is more orderly, involves local leadership,
and helps to enhance social cohesion.
II. Damage Assessment
Damage assessments need to be simple and
tailored to local construction types, with
damage awards closely tied to actual costs.
Safety evaluations of buildings after an
earthquake should determine if structures are
inhabitable. If they are not, a plan for the
displaced occupants needs to be prepared. In
Haiti, project design will need to take into
account the fact that there is diminished
functional capacity at the local, national, and
community levels. Alternative networks, such as
nongovernmental organizations and the United
Nations agencies, can fill gaps in capacity, but
their participation should be coupled with a plan
to rebuild government administrative capacity.
Following the Maharashtra earthquake, the
damage assessment was based on a complicated
compensation system. The use of criteria from the
International Association of Earthquake Engineer-
ing for damage assessment of individual housing
units, in this situation, proved to be difficult
because the criteria for modern, engineered
housing do not work for mud- bonded or stacked-
stone structures. When people are compensated
in variable amounts for the actual damage to their
homes, they will appeal the decisions and argue
3
THE WORLD BANK GROUP RESPONSE TO THE HAITI EARTHQUAKE
with the compensators; they may even inflict
more damage on their homes to receive more
money. In contrast, if people are paid set amounts
for easily determined levels of damage, as
occurred in Gujarat, there is then no opportunity
for further negotiation.
Donor coordination has always proved to be
vital.
Ways must be found for involved donors to work
together or in parallel, in the short term, on a
clearly defined set of aid activities with the same
eligibility requirements and benefits.
III. Project Design and Supervision
Reallocating resources from existing projects
is less effective than specific reconstruction
lending.
While shifting resources from existing programs
to reconstruction (with high rates of return) may
be justified, new financing that is well designed,
and managed by special disaster units authorized
to respond quickly, tends to be used more
effectively. Restructuring old projects is often
politically easier than getting new lending and
allows the Bank to support government entities
already accustomed to working with the organi-
zation. However, delivery by staff committed to
the goals just abandoned is often not effective
and tends to lead to negative consequences for
the programs from which money was withdrawn.
In general, Bank emergency loans and credits
have tended to be slow to disburse after Board
approval. Early and continued involvement
should support actions leading to expeditious
postapproval disbursements. A common problem
constraining and slowing implementation is
uncertainty surrounding land ownership.
In the absence of a resident Country Director, a
Bank staff in- country should have authority to
make decisions.
There can be major unanticipated developments
such as price changes for critical inputs, competi-
tion for building professionals, and shortages of
tools and materials. While experienced staff are
likely to foresee such developments, historically,
there has not been a clear procedure for
ensuring that the right staff are assigned to lead
such operations. In the Asian tsunami, which was
the subject of a multidonor evaluation, the use of
experienced staff was cited. The Bank has
recently begun to develop a cadre of experi-
enced disaster professionals. It remains to be
seen whether the institution is able to ensure
their rapid deployment.
Project design should be simple, based on
local participation, and take into account local
capacity.
Disaster responses resemble military operations
in their heavy reliance on command and
controls. The sense of urgency when lives are at
stake works against participatory processes. In
particular, the perceived need for haste makes it
easy to bypass local power structures. People and
institutions that might help rebuild affected
communities are left out of the relief response,
often because the aid institutions have limited
knowledge of the communities affected by the
disaster. And, conversely, groups with strong
incentives to impede implementation are also
overlooked.
Design should limit the number of implement-
ing agencies and sectors involved, and reduce
the conditions placed on the lending. Implemen-
tation should be flexible to ensure responsive-
ness to community needs and rapidly changing
conditions in the field.
Intensive supervision is important.
Emergency projects require special attention to
the design and implementation of disbursement
arrangements: bottlenecks to cash flow should
be minimized before project approval through
the provision of guidelines, sample bidding
documents, technical assistance to first- time
borrowers, training in procurement procedures,
and simple local disbursement procedures. If
certain technical studies are considered crucial
to provide updated plans and infrastructure
designs, they need to be identified and agreed
upon during appraisal, including a schedule for
the preparation of terms of reference, recruit-
ment of consultants, commissioning and
completion of the studies, and submission of
draft reports.
IV. Institutions and Financing
Streamlined decision making and procedures
for contracting civil works will help avoid
delays.
Continuity in planning, coordination, and
monitoring can be provided by a high- powered
unit developed for the purpose or by existing
institutions. In countries with a decentralized
implementation structure in place—such as
Bolivia, Argentina, and Pakistan, among others—
demand- driven projects implemented by
multiple agencies seemed to work. Earthquakes
also provide opportunities to solve major
infrastructure bottlenecks (for example,
widening or rerouting streets, setting aside
parkland), but these decisions need to be made
and announced early. Actions need to be taken in
the field to make them an observable reality
before any private investments in repairs and
rebuilding are made that would follow the same
usage pattern as before the earthquake.
Postdisaster operations need to include
measures to reduce long- term vulnerability.
The Bank’s Operational Policies have long called
for natural disaster projects to reduce long- term
vulnerability. In Haiti, the current perceived
urgency of emergency and reconstruction tasks can
be expected to lead to a loss of focus on mitiga-
tion/disaster risk reduction, in the face of many
competing demands. Interestingly, the opposite
situation, that is, the long time between earthquake
occurrences, also works toward the same result.
Disaster mitigation, because it is a periodic rather
than a constant need, tends to lose out to other
priorities—especially once the disaster recedes
from international media attention and immediate
relief needs have been met.
Reaching agreement on mitigation measures
with the government, within the first three
months, is important because it becomes harder
to get politicians to focus on a disaster once the
memory of the emergency fades. Outcomes are
usually better if a financing mechanism for the
agreed mitigation measures is defined and
locked in. Options to consider include financial
incentives, land use and management practices,
a review of land tenure patterns, upgraded
building codes, training for construction crafts-
people, and other nonstructural measures to
lessen vulnerability.
Postdisaster operations need to deal early and
forcefully with land ownership issues.
Informal land titles are the rule in many
countries because the poor cannot afford legal
fees when they inherit, but lack of legal title
becomes problematic in the post- disaster
context. Where possible, land titles should be
formalized or a functional proxy for land titles
should be provided (as in the Gujarat
earthquake). Where such measures are not
possible, alternative means need to be found to
ensure that land is not seized outright or that
fraudulent claims are not honored. The local
government must help control profiteering on
land that is urgently needed for the reconstruc-
tion process.
Avoid permanently relocating neighborhoods
for reasons related to less than fully credible
claims regarding disaster vulnerability.
There is frequently pressure to relocate
communities after a disaster. Relocation during
postearthquake reconstruction of settlements
that consist mostly of one- and two- story
buildings is usually a mistake because it is not all
that difficult for local builders to make small
buildings earthquake resistant. To take an
example, in India it was believed that villages
built on cotton soil needed to be relocated,
which ultimately turned out to be wrong.
Another example involves moving people away
from coastal zones. The tendency for these
residents to return is almost irresistible because
4
EVALUATION BRIEF 10
of the economic advantages and other amenities
associated with living by the sea.
In- situ reconstruction should be promoted after
earthquakes, to take advantage of existing
infrastructure and community facilities, while
minimizing resettlement and social dislocation.
Communities help themselves when low- cost
reconstruction is done in- situ. It is common for
outsiders and victims to clamor for relocation in
the early days after a disaster but, with time, the
importance of preserving social relationships
institutionalized in the current neighborhood
structures reasserts itself. Moreover, problems can
be created by uneven incentives for rehabilitation,
as compared with reconstruction. In India, villages
litigated for the right to relocate, even when it was
technically contraindicated, because the benefits
given to families that only rehabilitated were far
worse than the benefits given to relocated groups.
Beneficiaries entitled to new housing need to
make a limited contribution.
Bank emergency reconstruction lending used to
expect cost recovery at levels that could not
feasibly take place, given how much disaster
victims had lost and needed to replace. Follow-
ing the El Salvador earthquake, the Bank project
targeted low- income families and expected full
cost recovery. An IEG evaluation later found that
over half of the original beneficiaries had been
unable to pay and had given up their homes.
However, when beneficiaries do not make any
contribution, demands can become inflated and
unreasonable. For example, the Maharashtra
emergency project provided finished houses for
free, but led to escalating expectations among
beneficiaries. Beneficiaries became unwilling to
pay user charges for urban services. One group
made demands that the government paint and
maintain their gift houses in perpetuity.
A compromise with beneficiaries making a
limited contribution seems to work best. For
example, in the Argentina Flood Reconstruction
project, beneficiaries of new housing had to
make contributions in materials and labor.
Owner- driven housing construction can be
more effective than the use of contractors.
During project design, staff often believe that the
only way to produce the huge number of new
dwellings is to bring in large contractors. In India,
where people were given funds to repair their
units, most of the families actually economized
enough to build altogether new houses, and
contractors were generally not involved. In those
villages it was possible to use local people in the
construction, so employment was created for
people from the disaster- affected region.
Contractors generally used imported labor to
work 12–14 hours a day doing piecework.
Also, when homeowners were put in charge of
the process, houses were better adapted to each
family’s needs; there was not a one- size- fits- all
approach. The reliance on owner- managed
construction was even more widely used follow-
ing a subsequent earthquake in Gujarat, with
equally positive results. Supervisory personnel
did not always need higher education. Projects
for postdisaster housing were effectively and
economically supervised by builders and masons
rather than engineers, at least as regards owner-
built structures.
Rebuilding after a disaster must also ensure
that social structures are kept intact.
The impacts of disasters on people vary, depend-
ing on the levels of social vulnerability and risk.
The recovery process is potentially even more
uneven, and it tends to be less visible. When the
pressure of the immediate response carries over
to the later stages, too little may be done to
ensure that the social needs of the affected
populations are considered. Natural disasters rip
apart social cohesiveness. Rebuilding social
structures is a large challenge and one that is
rarely done well by any of the institutions, in
large part because the character of the initial
response makes doing so more difficult.
Earthquake disasters often strike informal or
squatter settlements particularly hard. Responses
need to take the plight of the renters and
THE WORLD BANK GROUP RESPONSE TO THE HAITI EARTHQUAKE
5
squatters into account so as not to increase social
inequities. While earthquake- resistant building
codes help those in the formal sector, such codes
will never be applied in informal settlements and
special measures are needed.
Grievance procedures need to be in place from
the outset.
Postdisaster projects have involved strikes,
protests, and litigation, partly as a result of not
having efficient and effective processes in place
to redress grievances. The Gujarat project
processed over 40,000 grievances. An ability to
make decisions and communicate them speedily
to the involved parties is important. Dissemina-
tion capacity is helpful, especially if decisions
have implications for other beneficiaries. For
example, not having a procedure of taking
photographs of damages during the assessment
process can lead to repeated visits by project staff
members and beneficiaries, arguing about the
extent of damages to each house.
Fostering participation, but not taking the
expressed preferences into account, creates
discontent. Community participation is not a
panacea, and more participation is not always
better. But participation can be useful in the
design of houses, their layout, and their alloca-
tion. In India, having individual owners supervise
the construction of their own house proved
transaction- intensive, although the use of
stakeholder construction- supervision commit-
tees for the same purpose worked well.
V. Private Sector Response
Leveraging existing private sector capacity is
critical for effective emergency response.
The private sector can play a key role in
infrastructure and logistics, local banking, and
provision of physical capacity. In the aftermath of
the Asian tsunami disaster, IFC effectively
supported the relief efforts of an existing client
in Sri Lanka with port and airport facilities,
allowing for a very quick response to the disaster.
IFC provided a grant to an advisory services
client with water purification facilities in South
Asia. A banking sector client with a branch
network in affected areas was instrumental in
delivering small grants to small entrepreneurs to
help restore their livelihood. In Pakistan, a
private hospital mobilized medical teams and
mobile treatment centers in the disaster areas.
Partners with assets in the field have used IFC
grants to provide shelter, food, and water; to
clean up affected areas; to restore and improve
airport and port logistics; and to provide medical
assistance and free telecommunications services.
Working with IFC clients near affected areas is
essential for speed and effectiveness.
Existing partners do not need screening for
reputational risks and delivery capacity. Trust and
familiarity allow the use of simple arrangements
for payments and reimbursement of expenses.
Local partners have the local knowledge
necessary to ensure that help reaches the
intended beneficiaries (for example, a local bank
in Sri Lanka was effective in directing livelihood
restoration grants to local fishermen who had
lost their boats in the tsunami). Similarly, several
IFC partners in Pakistan provided shelters, food
and medical supplies during relief efforts.
Because they are embedded in the local environ-
ment, such partners also have strong incentives
and interest to promote speedy recovery of local
business activities. The use of existing trust funds
and other facilities to source grants is also
important for speed. This was demonstrated by
the matching- grant schemes for the tsunami and
Pakistan disasters and by the emergency techni-
cal assistance to small and medium enterprises
after the Sichuan earthquake.
Matching- grant schemes can be powerful
instruments for emergency response, but their
effectiveness can be limited by the nature of
IFC’s preexisting activities.
Matching- grant schemes for clients with local
presence can provide fast relief and leverage
additional delivery capacity. They can also ensure
the additionality of IFC’s response in partnership
with private sector clients. The applicability and
6
EVALUATION BRIEF 10
scale of the instrument depend on the size and
nature of IFC’s portfolio and pipeline in the
country or the region, and the extent to which
clients themselves have been affected by the
disaster. The limitations imposed by the size of
IFC’s client network in the affected country can
be somewhat alleviated by leveraging clients’
own networks of suppliers and customers. IFC’s
banking sector clients, with their vast networks
of private sector customers, can be valuable
partners for enhancing private sector crisis
response.
Design and implementation of reconstruction
operations need to balance speed with careful
assessment of demand and relevance in
rapidly changing postdisaster conditions.
Early Board approval of umbrella facilities,
including initiatives in support of reconstruction
efforts, can facilitate speedy implementation and
provide flexibility. But reconstruction initiatives,
especially commercial ones, need to be carefully
assessed against effective demand in the context
of abundant aid and rapidly changing postdisas-
ter conditions. For example, the IFC’s facilities,
established to support private sector companies
in the reconstruction phase of the Asian tsunami
disaster, were used only to a limited extent
because their pricing was not attractive, given the
abundant liquidity in the market and aid money
pouring into the affected countries. Local banks
in Thailand and Sri Lanka received cheap long-
term funding from their respective govern-
ments; the larger companies had adequate
insurance coverage to repair/reconstruct their
damaged properties; and most companies scaled
down their new investments, thereby reducing
the need for additional funds.
Field- based advisory capacity helps support
small and medium enterprises, but it needs to
adapt to new conditions.
IFC provided a significant amount of advisory
services for reconstruction through field- based
teams in Aceh- Nias and in Sichuan province
following the disasters. Having a field- based
presence improved IFC’s response time.
However, while some private enterprise partner-
ship (PEP) Aceh- Nias projects had the right
design, they lost their relevance by the time of
the implementation due to changes in local
conditions. In Sichuan, the content of some of
the advisory services was not a good fit with the
real needs of the companies. Support to enhance
the involvement of the domestic private sector in
reconstruction activities can be particularly
valuable.
**** **** ****
Haiti’s challenges are all the more daunting
because of the enormous death toll and horren-
dous human suffering, and the sheer scale of
destruction—not only of the physical infrastruc-
ture but also of the social fabric and the institu-
tional setting. Crucial in the recovery will be not
only the size of financing but also its quality and
use. There are many useful lessons for effective-
ness. Yet, many questions will also be new and
special to Haiti—among them are how a
multidonor aid effort plays out, what quality of
governance emerges during the reconstruction,
what urban design emerges in the reconstruc-
tion, how postdisaster social networks are
shaped, and how even such an enormous
calamity might provide the chance for a new
beginning.
THE WORLD BANK GROUP RESPONSE TO THE HAITI EARTHQUAKE
7