(2024-07) Cadre politique pour une transition efficace et équitable : renforcer la participation des femmes
Resume — L'IJDH et des organisations alliées ont publié cette déclaration de politique à signer soutenant que la transition en Haïti échoue vis-à-vis des femmes et des filles, citant l'absence de toute femme disposant d'un droit de vote au Conseil présidentiel de transition (CPT) et la tentative d'une nouvelle ministre de la Condition féminine de diluer le mandat du ministère comme preuves que le gouvernement de transition néglige le leadership des femmes et les priorités du mouvement des femmes, en violation d'obligations légales claires et des meilleures pratiques.
Constats Cles
- Aucune femme ne dispose d'un droit de vote au Conseil présidentiel de transition (CPT) d'Haïti, ce que le document qualifie d'exemple flagrant de l'exclusion des femmes de la transition.
- Une nouvelle ministre de la Condition féminine et des Droits des femmes tenterait, selon le document, de diluer le mandat du ministère en l'éloignant de la promotion des droits des femmes.
- Le gouvernement de transition néglige le leadership des femmes et les priorités politiques du mouvement des femmes.
- L'IJDH et des organisations alliées présentent cela comme une violation d'obligations légales claires et des meilleures pratiques sur les transitions inclusives en matière de genre.
- Le cadre est conçu comme un document de plaidoyer à signer, adressé aux autorités de transition d'Haïti et à la communauté internationale.
Description Complete
Ce cadre politique à signer, publié pour signature par l'IJDH et des organisations alliées, soutient que le gouvernement de transition d'Haïti échoue vis-à-vis de ses femmes et de ses filles, en violation d'obligations légales claires et des meilleures pratiques. Il cite l'absence de toute femme disposant d'un droit de vote au Conseil présidentiel de transition (CPT) comme un exemple flagrant d'un schéma plus large de négligence du leadership des femmes, des considérations politiques spécifiques aux femmes, et des priorités du mouvement des femmes, aux côtés d'une nouvelle ministre de la Condition féminine et des Droits des femmes qui tenterait, selon le document, de modifier et de diluer le mandat du ministère en l'éloignant de la promotion des droits des femmes. Le document établit un cadre politique pour une transition efficace et équitable centré sur le renforcement de la participation des femmes, destiné à être signé par des organisations et individus soutenant la cause comme outil de plaidoyer adressé aux autorités de transition d'Haïti et à la communauté internationale.
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Policy Framework for an Effective and Equitable Transition
Haiti’s transition is failing its women and girls in violation of clear legal obligations and best practices. The
transitional government is neglecting women’s leadership, women-specific policy considerations, and the
priorities of the women’s movement. The lack of any women with a vote on the Presidential Transitional
Council (TPC) is just one – egregious – example of this pattern. A new Minister on the Status of Women
and Women’s Rights trying to change and dilute the Ministry’s mandate away from advancing the rights
of women and girls is another. Such gendered exclusion and neglect reinforce historic patterns of
discrimination and violate the rights of Haitian women and girls. They also squander one of Haiti’s richest
resources and undermine the effectiveness and sustainability of the transition.
Deploring these persistent failures and deeply concerned with their impact on the success of Haiti’s
transition, we, feminist and human rights organizations based in Haiti and throughout the world, demand
urgent measures to secure the rights of women and girls as part of Haiti’s transition. To that end, we set out
this Policy Framework for an Effective and Equitable Transition, which (i) identifies the applicable human
rights and related principles against which all further policies and actions must be measured and (ii)
provides recommendations for immediate policy changes consistent with these principles.
Guiding principles
I.
Haitian women and girls are entitled to dignity, equal rights, and effective protections as a
matter of Haitian and international law, including the right to equal participation in the public life
of their nation. The Haitian Constitution explicitly embodies a commitment to human rights, “the equity
of gender, the participation of all the population in the grand decisions engaging the national life,” and
“assure[s] to women a representation in the instances of power and of decision which must conform to the
equality of the sexes and to equity of gender.” It further guarantees political and civil rights regardless of
sex and reserves a minimum of 30% of all public roles and political opportunities to women (Arts. 17, 171, 31-1-1). Haiti is also Party to multiple international human rights treaties that enshrine the human rights
of women, including (i) equality, (ii) non-discrimination, (iii) freedom from violence, (iv) full political
participation, and (v) access to justice and economic opportunities. Haiti’s Constitution (Art. 276-2)
converts these obligations directly into Haitian law, abrogating all contrary provisions.
II.
Centering women’s leadership and specific needs is an established best practice for conflictaffected transitions, reflecting the empirical recognition that when women are included, outcomes
are more effective and sustainable. The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Agenda explicitly recognizes
the imperatives to (i) ensure the active participation by women in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and
shaping of national transitions, and (ii) center women’s specific needs and priorities during conflict, in its
aftermath, and as part of transitional efforts (including resettlement, reintegration, and reconstruction). In
Haiti’s specific context, women have long played transformative roles in preparing for and responding to
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crises and natural disasters, mobilizing for democratic reform, and advancing human rights, all while facing
higher barriers to public engagement. They are one of Haiti’s best resources and must be included in all
aspects of the current transition. Failure to fully respect the rights of Haitian women and girls undermines
the stability and prosperity of Haiti as a whole.
III.
An effective transition must tackle the grave historic inequality and discrimination directed
at Haiti’s women and girls in public and domestic life in violation of their rights. Many of Haiti’s laws,
policies, and institutions are unequal and discriminatory. Women are marginalized in government
leadership, political participation, and policy-making. They have less access to and are discriminated
against in education, financing, formal employment, legal recourse, and other social and economic
opportunities and institutions. They are targets of explicit discrimination, harassment and violence.
Advocacy and services focused on empowering or protecting women and advancing their rights are
chronically underfunded and otherwise marginalized. These inequalities not only violate women’s rights,
they are also at the root of Haiti’s social instability. Sustainably increasing stability in Haiti requires a
rupture from this history of discrimination and inequality.
IV.
Haiti’s women and girls are entitled to live free from public and private violence and to have
meaningful recourse therefrom. This principle reflects the global resolve to eliminate all forms of
violence against women and girls and the WPS Agenda dictate to prevent and address conflict-related
sexual violence. Gendered inequalities have produced endemic gender-based violence (GBV) in Haiti,
including political violence designed to deter both women’s full participation in public life and advocacy
to change the violent status quo. The present crisis has seen dramatic increases in incidence and brutality
of sexual violence directed against women and girls. In turn, GBV and other forms of discrimination further
reduce women’s access to public spaces and resources. Recourse for GBV and other gendered harms is
scarce and Haiti’s institutions, including its justice system and dedicated ministries, have been unwilling or
unable to prioritize, fund, and implement suitable responses. The present crisis has exacerbated these
gendered harms, all of which violate the rights of Haitian women and girls.
V.
In order to meet these human rights obligations, participation and leadership by Haitian
women must be material, empowered, and well-resourced, and gender-specific considerations
reflecting priorities of Haiti’s women’s movement must be centered as policy priorities. The above
legal obligations require substantive implementing actions. Failures by domestic and international actors to
mainstream Haitian women’s needs and leadership have served to impede sustained progress towards
tackling structural inequalities. One manifestation of this failure is token inclusion of women in government
without granting them the meaningful authority and adequate resources necessary to concretely advance
women’s rights. Another is chronic deprioritization of women’s needs, reflected in limited funding, absence
of specialized programs and services, and weak political will for reforming unequal or discriminatory laws
and practices. More subtle programmatic and policy deficiencies center women solely as victims but not as
decision-makers, leaders, and agents of change; or mistakenly equate the presence of women with
commitment to a women-focused agenda. A recent example is the appointment of a transitional Minister
on the Status of Women and Women’s Rights who lacks material ties to the Haitian women’s movement,
which was instrumental in creating that Ministry to advance women’s rights. The Minister has already
proposed a transformation of the Ministry to focus on family, which the movement believes will dilute its
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focus on advancing the rights of women and girls. Another example is the history of limiting womenfocused programs and funding to service-provision, to the exclusion of support for women’s political
mobilization and advocacy around structural reforms. The disconnect between policymaking and the
priorities of affected communities is further exacerbated by the frequent exclusion of perspectives reflecting
intersecting experiences like poverty, education, language, geography, age, and organizing at the grassroots
level. The results are a weakened women’s movement, reduced societal capacity for and focus on necessary
structural changes, and misdirected effort. Failure to center Haitian women’s leadership and priorities also
enables cooptation and abuse. Examples include token appointments of women who are disconnected from
feminist priorities or, at worst, corrupt and beholden to conflicting interests.
Recommendations
The undersigned feminist and human rights organizations based in Haiti and throughout the world demand
the urgent implementation of the above Principles, which embody well-established legal obligations under
Haiti’s Constitution, laws, and ratified treaties alongside best practices for their implementation. We
recommend the following specific actions and policy priorities, each of which must be interpreted subject
to the content of this whole Framework:
1. Fully apply Haiti’s Constitution, international human rights norms, and best practices for conflictaffected transitions embodied by the WPS Agenda by ensuring that women are full and equal
participants in all peacebuilding, transitional, and rebuilding activities. This requires active effort to
include women’s input and leadership in a manner that is consistent with the priorities and interests of
Haitian women as a whole and not as tokens. Subject to these considerations and Recommendations 3
and 6, a minimum of 30% of all Ministerial, Director General, and other senior government
appointments, along with all other positions of authority in spaces and bodies charged with material
deliberations, decision-making, implementation, and oversight must be filled by qualified female
candidates. Meeting this minimum must be accompanied by a deliberate strategy to reach the full equity
required by the Constitution. Most urgently, the 30% baseline must be met for Ministerial and
monitoring institutions, and entities charged with organizing elections like the Provisional Electoral
Council (CEP).
2. Guided by Recommendation 1, transitional authorities must especially empower the participation of
women in the next electoral process at all levels, from the setting up of the CEP to the installation of
elected representatives, with a view to ensuring that elected posts reflect the composition of the Haitian
population. The Constitutional requirement that at least 30% of political candidates must be women
must be respected at every level of government. Preventing and addressing gendered political violence
must be treated as a top priority.
3. Fully apply Haiti’s Constitution, international human rights norms, and best practices for conflictaffected transitions embodied by the WPS Agenda by centering across every undertaking factors that
distinctly impact women and girls, especially (i) women’s ability to shape and take part in the political
process, including as policymakers, monitors, candidates, and voters; (ii) distinct security and access
to justice needs, including with respect to both sexual and political violence; and (iii) economic access
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and empowerment. A commitment to these principles should be expected of all public actors and not
relegated to female leaders, with performance assessments closely tracking these specific targets for all
government entities and officials.
4. Explicitly invest in women’s long-term equality through legislative, institutional, and policy changes,
accompanied by adequate and sustained funding. In particular, ensure sufficient institutional capacity,
services, and accountability mechanisms responsive to women’s distinct needs, including (i) effective
protections from and justice for GBV, (ii) reduction of discrimination and political violence, and (iii)
support for economic empowerment. Ensure that transition and reconstruction mechanisms, including
the Truth, Justice, and Reparations Commission, fully account for women’s distinct experiences,
challenges, and needs, including access to justice for harms arising from foreign actors like sexual
exploitation and abuse. To that end, (i) reserve at least 30% of Commission and reconstruction program
leadership positions for women, (ii) budget adequate dedicated funding for issues specifically affecting
women and girls, (iii) ensure that distinct impacts on women and girls are considered across all topics
and programs beyond sexual violence, and (iv) subject especially to Recommendations 5 and 6, require
formal consultation with women’s organizations - especially those headed by Haitian women and
organizing at the grassroots level - for each element of related planning and implementation. In the
short term, strengthen existing mechanisms. This requires, for example, an appropriate budget for the
Ministry on the Status of Women and Women’s Rights, which for years has received just 0.1% of
Haiti’s budget for advancing the welfare of 52% of Haiti’s population. Another immediate action would
be to strengthen specialized police units dedicated to confronting GBV that includes (i) dedicated
training on trauma-sensitive assistance for survivors of GBV, (ii) improved procedures that ensure
prompt and effective investigation and prosecution of any claims of GBV taking into account the safety
of and effective communication with survivors, (iii) adequate forensic, medical, and other supplies and
resources for performing related investigations and prosecutions, and (iv) effective monitoring, genderdisaggregated data collection, and adjustment of policies where necessary in close consultation with
survivor advocates and other relevant representatives of the women’s movement.
5. Subject especially to Recommendation 6, center priorities and approaches defined by the Haitian
women’s movement, especially Haitian women-led organizations and those organizing at the grassroots
level. Ensure financial and other support for existing women’s organizations in Haiti, specifically
including those dedicated to policy and political change. Actively center their expertise in policy
deliberations, monitoring and oversight, and any key appointments.
6. Every aspect of the transition, including these Recommendations, must specifically consider and
endeavor to dismantle historical and structural inequalities and counterproductive practices through,
inter alia: (i) dedicated and sustained funding, (ii) program design that centers Haitian women and
expressly addresses underlying structural inequalities; (iii) policy deliberations and government
appointments that center the expertise and priorities of the Haitian women’s movement and explicitly
considers distinct impacts on and needs of women and girls; and (iv) participatory and intersectional
approaches that ensure participation of historically excluded voices, including those of poor, less
formally educated, rural, or young women. Foreign partners and donors, in particular, must accompany
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the priorities of the Haitian women’s movement, and avoid past harmful practices of selective
consultations and funding inconsistent with principles of representative participation and inclusion.
Endorsing Haitian organizations:
1. 1804 Institute
2. Advens Optical, Inc.
3. Alternative Chance / Chans Altenativ
4. Asosyasyon Sosyal Fanm se Wozo (ASFAWO)
5. Association des Femmes de Borgne
6. Association des Femmes Rénovés de Léogâne (AFREL)
7. Association des Femmes Universitaires du Cap-Haitien Nord
8. Association des Femmes Vaillantes D'Haïti (AFVH)
9. Atelier Tisaksuk, Inc.
10. Bra Fanm
11. Bureau des Avocats Internationaux (BAI)
12. Centre de Formation et de Développement Communautaire (CEFODEC)
13. Clinique de Recherche, d’Analyse, et d’Assistance Légale de L'École Supérieure Catholique de
Droit de Jérémie (CRAALE)
14. Commission Épiscopale Nationale Justice et Paix (CE-JILAP)
15. Consortium des Organisations du Secteur Privé de l’Éducation (COSPE) / FCH-Espwa
(Fondation Communautaire Haïtienne-ESPWA [hope])
16. enpaK
17. Faith in Action International - Haiti
18. Fanm Deside
19. Fanm Viktim Leve Kanpe - ‘Femmes Victimes, Debout’ (FAVILEK)
20. Fédération des Associations Régionales Haïtiennes de la Diaspora (FAREHD)
21. Femme Idéal pour le Développement Économique et Social (FEMIDES)
22. Femmes Combattantes Avisées pour le Développement d’Haïti (FEMCADH)
23. Femmes en action contre la stigmatisation et la discrimination sexuelle (FACSDIS)
24. Femmes Juristes en Action (Fejurac Haïti)
25. Fondation TOYA
26. Gran Jipon
27. Groupe d’Appui au Développement et à la Démocratie (GRADE)
28. Groupe de Recherche en Appui a la Justice aux Droits Humains (GRAJUDH)
29. Groupe de Réflexion sur Haïti (GREFH)
30. Groupe de Travail sur la Sécurité (GTS)
31. Groupement des Femmes Étoiles Brillantes (GFEB)
32. Haiti Adolescent Girls Network (HAGN)
33. Haitian Connection - Koneksyon Ayiti
34. Haitian Women’s Collective (HWC)
35. Impact Communautaire pour le Développement d'Haïti (ICODEH HAITI)
36. Initiative Départementale contre la Traite et le Trafic des Enfants (IDETTE)
37. ITIAHaiti
38. INITIATIVE DE LA SOCIETE CIVILIERO
39. Komisyon Fanm Viktim pou Viktim (KOFAVIV)
40. Konbit Peyizan Grandans (KPGA)
41. Konsèy Jenès Ayisyen
42. Kouraj
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43. Koze Jèn Yo
44. La Troupe Makandal
45. Marijàn
46. Nègès Mawon
47. Nou Pap Dòmi
48. Òganizasyon Fanm Leyogàn nan Bagadè k ap lite (OFLBK)
49. Òganizasyon Fanm Vanyan Lakolin Deland (OFVLD)
50. Òganizasyon Feminis Dantò / Dantò Òganizasyon Feminis
51. Organisation Arc-en-ciel D'Haïti (ORAH)
52. Organisation des femmes engagées pour le changement de Saint du Sud (OFECaS)
53. Organisation des Femmes Modernes pour le Développement Communautaire (OFMODEC)
54. Organisation des Femmes Vaillantes de Léogâne (OFVAL)
55. Organisation FIEF
56. Organisation pour l'Émancipation des Femmes à travers l’Éducation (OEFE)
57. Organisation Progressiste pour le Développement de la Commune de Gressier (OPDCG)
58. Organisation Trans d’Haïti (OTRAH)
59. Partners in Health
60. Platfòm Comunicación des Femmes (PCF)
61. Plateforme des Organisations de Femmes Haïtiennes pour le Développement (POFHAD)
62. Platform of Haitian Human Rights Organizations (POHDH)
63. PROFAMIL
64. Regroupement des Femmes Actives d'Haïti (RFAH)
65. Regroupement des Femmes Vaillantes de Léogâne (ReFeVaL)
66. Regroupement des Organisations de Femmes de Gressier et de Léogâne (ROFGL)
67. Regwoupman Fanm Aktif (RFA)
68. Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains (RNDDH)
69. Rêve Bleu d’Azur
70. Rezo Fanm Kapab DAyiti (REFKAD)
71. Rezo Fanm Radyo Kominotè Ayisyen (REFRAKA)
72. SAN POU SAN FANM (100% FANM)
73. Union des Femmes à Mobilité Réduite d'Haïti (UFMORH)
74. Union des Femmes pour le Développement de Gressier (UFEDEG)
75. Vizyon Fanm Dyanm pou Devlopman Léyogàn (VFDDL)
76. WE ARE WOMEN ORG
77. Zantray Fanm Kreyòl
Organizations from around the world in solidarity with demands by Haitian civil society:
1. African Initiative of Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRD Initiative) (South Africa)
2. American Jewish World Service (AJWS) (USA)
3. Amnesty International USA (USA)
4. Anana Consultants (USA)
5. Ansara Family Fund (USA)
6. Association for Emancipation, Solidarity, and Equality of Women (ESE) (Macedonia)
7. Black Feminist Future (BFF) (USA)
8. CAISO: Sex and Gender Justice (Trinidad and Tobago)
9. Center for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) (USA)
10. Center for Gender and Refugee Studies (CGRS) (USA)
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11. Center for Human Rights & Humanitarian Law at the American University Washington College
of Law (AUWCL) (USA)
12. Center for Justice and Accountability (USA)
13. Chrysalis Fund (USA)
14. Coalition on Violence Against Women (COVAW) (Kenya)
15. Coletivo Feminista de Autocuidado e Cuidado entre Defensoras de Direitos Humanos (Brazil)
16. Collectif Haïti de France (France)
17. Coordination Europe-Haïti (CoEH) (European Union)
18. Courage To Believe International (USA)
19. Creating Healthful Narratives, LLC (USA)
20. Diaspora Community Services (USA)
21. Emergency Committee for Rojava (ECR) (USA)
22. Empire Women Development Initiative (Nigeria)
23. EqualHealth (USA)
24. Equality Now (global)
25. Faith in Florida (USA)
26. Family Action Network Movement (FANM) (USA)
27. Forum Tunisien pour les Droits Économiques et Sociaux (FTDES) (Tunisia)
28. Foundation for Systemic Change (USA)
29. Fòs Feminista (USA)
30. Friends of Matènwa (FoM) (USA)
31. Give To Haiti, Inc. (USA)
32. Global Justice Clinic at the New York University School of Law (USA)
33. Haitian American Foundation for Democracy (HAFFD) (USA)
34. Haitian Bridge Alliance (USA)
35. Haitian Ladies Network (USA)
36. Haiti School Project (USA)
37. Haiti Solidarity Network of the Northeast (HSNNE) (USA)
38. Haki Nawiri Afrika (Kenya)
39. Human Rights and Gender Justice Clinic at the City University of New York (CUNY) School of
Law (USA)
40. Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti (IJDH) (USA)
41. International Civil Society Working Group for the Permanent Forum on People of African
Descent (PFPAD) (global)
42. Jamii Linguists (USA; Colombia)
43. Lavi Project Inc. (USA)
44. MADRE (USA)
45. Manifest Haiti (USA)
46. Midnight Books (USA)
47. New England Human Rights Organization (NEHRO) (USA)
48. Okra Collective (Senegal)
49. ONG Actuelles (Côte d’Ivoire)
50. Outright International (global)
51. Paroles et actions pour le développement (PAD) (France)
52. Passionists International (USA)
53. Presbyterian Church, Office of Public Witness (USA)
54. Quixote Center (USA)
55. Raising Haiti Foundation (USA)
56. Refugees International (USA)
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57. Réseau des Jeunes Féministes d’Afrique de l’Ouest (RJFAO) (Africa)
58. Respire Haiti (USA)
59. Revive Your Soul Ministries, Inc. (USA)
60. Roots of Development (USA)
61. Sant La Haitian Neighborhood Center (USA)
62. Sawtche Collectif afroféministe (France)
63. Stop au Chat Noir (Africa)
64. The 360 Evolution Academy, Inc. (USA)
65. The Firedoll Foundation (USA)
66. The Human Rights Brief at the American University Washington College of Law (AUWCL)
(USA)
67. They Will Need Foundation (USA)
68. True Alliance Center (USA)
69. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) (USA)
70. Variant Strategies (USA)
71. Wa Mbedmi (Senegal)
72. Wits University (South Africa)
73. Women for Peace in the World (W4PW) (Belgium)
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